Below Rick Garnett posts about the ad by various Catholic leaders in "The Hill" that calls for protection of conscience and criticzes the Obama Administration's promotion of a rigid mandate for all health insurance plans to cover sterilizations and abortifacient contraceptives.
On the St. Louis Today website, Colleen Carroll Campbell asks what happened to President Obama's very public overtures to Catholics, during the presidential election and afterward, and assurances that he respected pro-life Catholics and religious conscience. Herewith an excerpt:
The mandate and its lack of conscience protection is a blatant attack on religious freedom and a far cry from the promise Obama made at the University of Notre Dame in 2009. Back then, when the president was peddling his health care plan and pledging to seek "common ground" with pro-life Catholics, he vowed to "honor the conscience of those who disagree with abortion, and draft a sensible conscience clause." Now that Obamacare has passed, the president and his surrogates are singing a different tune.
"We are in a war," Health and Human Services Secretary Kathleen Sebelius told a NARAL Pro-Choice America crowd in Chicago last week.
So much for "common ground" and respect for conscience.
The Gregorian Institute at Benedictine College in Kansas conducted a survey to identify the ten greatest intellectuals in American Catholicism for their Catholic Hall of Fame, and the list of those from "the world of ideas and academic scholarship" includes an MOJ blogger:
- Orestes Brownson (1803–1876)
- John Courtney Murray (1904-1967)
- John Senior (1923-1999)
- Avery Dulles (1918-2008)
- James Schall (1928-)
- Ralph McInerny (1929-2010)
- Richard John Neuhaus (1936-2009)
- Mary Ann Glendon (1938-)
- George Weigel (1951-)
- Robert P. George (1955-)
They note that future categories will include fiction authors (Flannery O'Connor, e.g.) and bishops, but my offhand additions (heavy on philosophy) would be Alasdair MacIntyre (not an American by birth--neither was Neuhaus--but he has spent the last 40 years or so in posts in US universities), John Tracy Ellis, Nicholas Rescher, John Zahm, and Bas van Fraassen.
MOJ readers who are lawyers, and who are in need of CLE credits, might be interested in these opportunities, provided by Touro Law School, to take CLE courses in Israel this summer. (Thanks to Sam Levine, at Touro, for the information.)
Wednesday, October 12, 2011
Jack Coons has long been one of our nation's most articulate and, to my mind, persuasive defenders of law that helps parents to be parents by allowing them to send their children to schools that they judge to be best for their children. It's easy for the rich to send their children to the best schools. Non-rich parents need the help of good law. Jack and his allies in the project of guaranteeing parents' opportunity to choose their children's schools have advocated, season in and season out, law reform that will meet the needs of non-rich families. Jack's most recent defense of "school choice" can be found here. It deserves a wide circulation.
As the national conversation discussion on church autonomy, the ministerial exception, and the Hosanna-Tabor case continues, the SCOTUS Blog has begun a discussion in its new "Community" pages. My lead-off comment is here. In it, I reason toward the broad ministerial exception from the proposition that the Catholic Church can't be forced to hire women priests--a proposition seemingly accepted by everyone at oral argument (but not, sadly, by everyone involved in the public discourse on this issue). I also thought it important to note in conclusion that
several justices were rightly incredulous at the government’s argument that this is simply an expressive association case--that the two Religion Clauses set no special rules for the relationship between a religious organization and the employees who perform its religious functions. Justice Kagan called the argument “amazing”; Justice Scalia, “extraordinary.” The Court should recognize the obvious: there are ways in which religious organizations are constitutionally different. Moreover, the differences are not exhausted by the rule that courts cannot make theological determinations (although that rule is relevant here too). Forcing the Catholic Church to accept women priests might require no such determinations--simply a ruling overriding the Church’s clear tenet. Yet everyone conceded it would be unconstitutional. At bottom, then, religious organizations have a distinct constitutional freedom to be able to determine who is qualified to serve as a minister.
If you have a little time to spend with this paper by Prof. Charles Reid, I highly recommend it. It's a historical treatment of a late-nineteenth century Kansas case which, Prof. Reid argues, was one of the first to grapple with some of the ideas of privacy which have since become watchwords of our substantive due process law. It's a long piece, and I haven't finished it yet, but it's well worth it and loaded with interesting historical nuggets.
I'm definitely looking forward to this book (though it seems to me an oversight to leave out Pope Leo XIII).