Monday, August 15, 2011
Subsidiarity and Health Care
No concept in Catholic social teaching is more used and abused than the principle of subsidiarity (now frequently conjoined, as in this address by Benedict XVI to the Pontifical Academy of Social Sciences, with solidarity). A significant part of the problem, I think, is the high level of abstraction and inattention to public policy detail that often mark arguments from subsidiarity and/or solidarity. And so Rick Hills's argument over at PrawfsBlawg that we should focus on functional considerations when deciding at what level of government we should regulate health care seems to me exactly the kind of fine-grained public finance analysis that those who take subsidiarity seriously should undertake, even if one might come to different conclusions than Rick does on this or that. After dispensing with "the normatively vacuous precedent slalom that is the PACA litigation," Rick writes that "sensible functional federalism (a) would devolve the regulation of medical practice to the states but (b) would give the national government substantial power to finance health care." As he explains:
First, why give subnational jurisdictions a lead role in the regulation of medical practice? Professional standards for the practice of medicine raise religiously and culturally sensitive issues of life and death, physical privacy, and acceptable risk-taking. National legislation on such matters invites unnecessarily divisive struggles for the commanding heights of federal power. Devolution of such issues reduces the acrimony of pitting Red State folks (who dislike med mal liability but hate avaunt-garde ethical innovations like physician-assisted suicide) against Blue State folks (who have opposite instincts). Given that the choice-of-law rules for medical malpractice and professional discipline predictably assign legislative jurisdiction to the state where medical services are performed, states can easily internalize the costs of their regulatory regimes in terms of inflated or reduced insurance premiums. (This latter point distinguishes standards of professional care from standards for the design of highly mobile pharmaceuticals -- hence, the need for the Food, Drug, & Cosmetic Act).
Second, why give the feds the lead role in healthcare finance? The reason is the familiar point, set forth by Paul Peterson long ago, that the subnational governments cannot redistribute wealth effectively in a federal system characterized by mobility of labor and capital. Any health insurance scheme will involve massive redistribution of wealth from the young to the old, from the rich to the poor, and from the sick to the healthy. The notion that subnational jurisdictions can take the lead in performing these financing functions strikes me as untenable.
https://mirrorofjustice.blogs.com/mirrorofjustice/2011/08/subsidiarity-and-health-care.html
Comments
You can follow this conversation by subscribing to the
comment feed
for this post.
This plan to devolve the "regulation" or provision of medical care seems at best to be a solution in search of a problem. The real question is why have any "regulation" at all. Are the American people such incompetent boobs that they can't take their medicine on time without being told by the governor's assistant?
I, along with many others, propose a rather different approach, and claim the colors of Subsidiarity on our side. How about No regulation of medicine at the personal level No regulation bearing on the delivery of care to individual citizens and families of such. Regulaton has to do with safety and efficacy, which are systemic concerns, not personal ones. They are of course natural foci of regulatory oversight.
The root cause of the misguided "regulatory" urge is the involvement of the regulators in medical decisions. There is no "federal" role in treatment decisions. Understandably there is a governmental part involved in paying for essential care, parallel to the governmental role in paying for general education. But "paying for" needs to be separated completely from regulating. It is not hard to make this distinction in practice.
What is needed is a kind of "medical bill of rights," under which the government agrees to pay for a stated list of treatments that are deemed to be part of the birthright of a citizen. For instance: setting broken bones at no cost to the patient. How long the list can be and how generous the commitment of the Treasury are matters for the public to decide, based presumably on cost. The only governmental role then are pondering additions to or subtractions from the list of covered treatments, demanding verification of the treatments provided, and paying for them if covered.
That is Subsidiarity.