"Nietzsche, the child of a Lutheran pastor, radicalized this argument,
painting all of Christianity—indeed all of Western religion, going back
to Judaism—as a slave morality, the psychic revolt of the lower orders
against their betters. Before there was religion or even morality, there
was the sense and sensibility of the master class. The master looked
upon his body—its strength and beauty, its demonstrated excellence and
reserves of power—and saw and said that it was good. As an afterthought
he looked upon the slave, and saw and said that it was bad. The slave
never looked upon himself: he was consumed by envy of and resentment
toward his master. Too weak to act upon his rage and take revenge, he
launched a quiet but lethal revolt of the mind. He called all the
master's attributes—power, indifference to suffering, thoughtless
cruelty—evil. He spoke of his own attributes—meekness, humility,
forbearance—as good. He devised a religion that made selfishness and
self-concern a sin, and compassion and concern for others the path to
salvation. He envisioned a universal brotherhood of believers, equal
before God, and damned the master's order of unevenly distributed
excellence. The modern residue of that slave revolt, Nietzsche makes
clear, is found not in Christianity, or even religion, but in the
nineteenth-century movements for democracy and socialism:
Another Christian concept, no less crazy, has passed even more deeply
into the tissue of modernity: the concept of the "equality of souls
before God." This concept furnishes the prototype of all theories of
equal rights: mankind was first taught to stammer the proposition of
equality in a religious context, and only later was it made into
morality: no wonder that man ended by taking it seriously, taking it
practically!—that is to say, politically, democratically,
socialistically.
When [Ayn] Rand inveighs against Christianity as the forebear of socialism,
when she rails against altruism and sacrifice as inversions of the true
hierarchy of values, she is cultivating the strain within conservatism
that sees religion as not a remedy to but a helpmate of the left. And
when she looks, however ineptly, to Aristotle for an alternative
morality, she is recapitulating Nietzsche's journey back to antiquity,
where he hoped to find a master-class morality untainted by the
egalitarian values of the lower orders.
Though Rand's antireligious defense of capitalism might seem out of
place in today's political firmament, we would do well to recall the
recent revival of interest in her books. More than 800,000 copies of her
novels were sold in 2008 alone; as Burns rightly notes, "Rand is a more
active presence in American culture now than she was during her
lifetime." Indeed, Rand is regularly cited as a formative influence upon
an entire new generation of Republican leaders; Burns calls her "the
ultimate gateway drug to life on the right." Whether or not she is
invoked by name, Rand's presence is palpable in the concern, heard
increasingly on the right, that there is something sinister afoot in the
institutions and teachings of Christianity.
I beg you, look for the words "social justice" or "economic justice"
on your church website. If you find it, run as fast as you can. Social
justice and economic justice, they are code words. Now, am I advising
people to leave their church? Yes.
That was Glenn Beck on his March 2 radio show, taking a stand
against, well, pretty much every church in the Christian faith:
Catholic, Episcopalian, Methodist, Baptist—even his very own Church of
Latter-day Saints."
[Here for the entire essay.]
[HT: Mollie Wilson O'Reilly, "Ayn Rand and Aristotle, @ dotCommonweal.]
As I was recently paging through my copy of Heinrich Rommen’s The Natural Law, I came across this passage of his:
When little or no respect any longer exists for any authority; when marriage generally ceases to be differentiated from concubinage and promiscuity; when the honor of one’s fellow citizen is no longer respected and oaths no longer have force, then the possibility of social living, of order in human affairs, vanishes together.
Although his thoughts were penned in 1935 when he and his family were still living in Germany where he had been a guest of the state police, they ought to provide us with insight about many of the issues we tackle here at the Mirror of Justice seventy-five years later.
RJA sj