Here, at dotCommonweal, with comments.
Thursday, May 20, 2010
Cardinal O'Malley of Boston vs. Archnbishop Chaput of Denver: Which side are *you* on?
Rand Paul
[Cross-posted at dotCommonweal]
Rand Paul has been making waves for his criticism of the Civil Rights Act of 1964's prohibition of discrimination in places of public accommodation. Title II of the CRA makes it unlawful to discriminate on the basis of race (and a number of other grounds) at establishments like restaurants, movie theaters, etc. Paul's timing is interesting, since this year is the 50th anniversary of the lunch-counter sit-ins, which really put the public accommodation question on the civil rights agenda in early 1960. Although fairly controversial at the time, the idea that private owners cannot exclude from places of public accommodation (i.e., businesses that they have opened to, for the most part, all comers) has become part of the legal furniture of our lives. I would guess that only a tiny number of Americans at this point think that private business owners have the right to hang a sign in their window saying "whites only," but apparently Rand Paul does. If he were elected, I'd wager he'd be the only member of the United States Senate who has openly expressed opposition to Title II in the past 30 years.
Of
course, it's almost certainly true that very few business owners these
days would put out a "whites only" sign, at least if they wanted to
remain in business for long, but that is almost certainly a testament to
the success of Title II (among other things) in changing norms about
the propriety of racial discrimination. And, of course, stories of
more subtle or ad hoc forms of racial exclusion from places of public
accommodation are fairly easy to come by. So it would be wrong to think
that the law does not have something important to contribute. In
addition, there is no doubt that employment discrimination (prohibited
by Title VII) continues to be a problem in the United States, as well
racial discrimination in private housing markets (prohibited by the
Fair Housing Act, aka Title VIII of the Civil Rights Act of 1968). I
hope folks in the press will ask Paul what he thinks about those
provision, which libertarians have also criticized as infringements on
the rights of property owners and employers.
Listening to Paul on NPR last night, what struck me most was his inarticulate ignorance. He admitted that he had little idea what was actually in the Civil Rights Act of 1964. I doubt he has much idea about the history behind it or the impact that private discrimination in places of public accommodation. If he's interested in boning up, he might want to start with this documentary. Notwithstanding his admitted lack of information, he steadfastly refused to say he supported the prohibition of discrimination in places of public accommodation. It will be interesting to see how mainstream conservatives respond to this.
Clarence Thomas, Black Nationalist!
"Clarence X? The Black Nationalist Behind Justice Thomas's Constitutionalism"
New York University Journal of Law & Liberty, Vol. 4, p. 583, 2009STEPHEN F. SMITH, Notre Dame Law
School
Email: [email protected]
To anyone who cares to listen, Justice Thomas’s opinions thunder with the strong black-nationalist voice typically associated with one of Thomas’s personal heroes, Malcolm X. Like Malcolm X, Justice Thomas categorically rejects the idea that white racism remains an insurmountable obstacle to meaningful black progress in America. Although racism unquestionably exists, enormous progress has been made in American race relations - progress that was dramatically confirmed last year by the election of Barack Obama as the nation’s first black president. In this climate, with legal protections against discrimination finally enshrined into law after generations of struggle and suffering, blacks need not look to race-based remedies or preferential treatment from society in order to succeed. They need only look within, to the genius, creativity, and capacity for hard work that resides in the heart and mind of every black person. So, if we care to know who the “unknown” Justice Thomas is, the answer is as provocative as it is obvious from his opinions. He is, quite simply, Clarence X - a jurist who is not only a constitutionalist, but a black nationalist as well.
"Slow Learners at the Ninth Circuit"
THE PRESIDENT’S COUNCIL ON BIOETHICS—REQUIESCAT IN PACE
That's the title of a piece by Dartmouth's Ronald Green in the new issue of the Journal of Religious Ethics. Here's the abstract:
In mid-June 2009, the Obama administration dissolved the President’s Council on Bioethics (PCBE), a group established by President George W. Bush in August 2001 and whose nearly eight-year life was marked from beginning to end by controversy. While some will regret the PCBE’s passing, others will regard the Council as a failed experiment in doing public bioethics.
Citation: Vol. 38, No. 2, pp. 197-218.
"Catholics in Political Life Today"
Another great event, brought to you by the good people at the Lumen Christi Institute, in Chicago (speakers include Ross Douthat, Melinda Henneberger, and Mark Stricherz):
"Catholics in Political Life Today: Partisan Politics and Religious Identity"
What does it mean to be a Catholic and a participant in American political life today? Do Catholics who hold public office have something special -- perhaps even unique -- to offer to the discussion of contemporary issues of social policy? Or do the potential contributions that Catholics might bring to the public square violate the so-called "separation of church and state"? These and other questions will be the subject of a panel discussion hosted by Loyola University Chicago School of Law and the Lumen Christi Institute's Law and Culture Forum.
About this Event
Date: Wednesday, June 2, 2010
Time: 5:30pm - 7:00pm
Location: Philip H. Corboy Law Center, Power Rogers & Smith Ceremonial Courtroom, 10th Floor, 25 East Pearson Street
RSVP at [email protected] or 773-955-5887.
"Defending Religious Freedom"
At the National Review site, George Weigel has this piece, called "Defending Religious Freedom in Full". It's definitely worth a read. He worries that "[w]hat Father Murray called 'the consensus' would seem to be fraying — and fraying, not only at the edges, but in the very warp and woof of the moral-cultural fabric of American public life." Here's the conclusion:
The defense of religious freedom by the younger generation will be the work of a lifetime. But it must begin sooner rather than later, for the threats to religious freedom in our country are great, and are likely to get greater before they abate. At stake is nothing less than the long-term integrity of the American experiment in ordered freedom.
Wednesday, May 19, 2010
Some thoughts on Winters' take on the Court's decisions
I assume that it is endearing modesty, and not disingenuous needling, that prompts Michael to write that he is waiting for someone who "unlike yours truly, actually knows something about constitutional law and theory, to tell us whether, in his/her judgment, SCOTUS decided rightly today in the Eighth Amendment case about juveniles and life-without-the-possibility-of-parole sentences." The publishers of Michael's dozen-or-so books on constitutional theory might have a different view!
First, Robby is right. I mean no disrespect to Michael Sean Winters, but I think it is a mistake to endorse the Court's reasoning, and its judicial work, if by this endorsement one actually means to communicate only that one disapproves of the policy that the Court struck down (in the juvenile-parole case). As it happens, I think it is bad policy -- unjust policy, even -- for a state to authorize life-without-parole cases for non-homicide offenses committed by juveniles. (I think, actually, that LWOP sentences are probably never justified.) But, Justice Kennedy's reasoning and methodology are, in my view, not made sound merely by the fact that I dislike (as Michael W. does) the policy he invalidated.
Second, I think it's pretty clear that the theory of constitutional interpretation and the judicial role that Michael has sketched, defended, and applied in some of his recent books points in a different direction from the one the Court took. But, if I'm wrong about this, he can set me straight.
I also have to disagree with Michael W. about the Comstock case. Now, that case -- in its present posture -- is more about the reach of federal power than it is about whether these sexual-offender-commitment statutes can be reconciled with offenders' constitutional rights (as Justice Breyer notes). In my view, the Court is wrong about the federal-power question, and the no-release rule is unjust (deeply so). The Court's answer to the federal-power question flies in the face of the very nature of the Constitution, and its answer to the no-release rule is hard to reconcile with a commitment to appropriate process in criminal cases. But again, I'd love to know if Michael disagrees.
"The City": A great new (to me) journal
Updike's 'Seven Stanzas at Easter'
This poem, by John Updike, is probably known to the rest of you . . . but it was new to me. Very powerful:
Make no mistake: if He rose at all
it was as His body;
if the cells’ dissolution did not reverse, the molecules reknit, the amino acids rekindle,
the Church will fall.
It was not as the flowers,
each soft Spring recurrent;
it was not as His Spirit in the mouths and fuddled eyes of the eleven apostles;
it was His flesh: ours.
The same hinged thumbs and toes,
the same valved heart
that–pierced–died, withered, paused, and then regathered out of enduring Might
new strength to enclose.
Let us not mock God with metaphor,
analogy, sidestepping, transcendence;
making of the event a parable, a sign painted in the faded credulity of earlier ages:
let us walk through the door.
The stone is rolled back, not papier-mache,
not a stone in a story,
but the vast rock of materiality that in the slow grinding of time will eclipse for each of us
the wide light of day.
And if we will have an angel at the tomb,
make it a real angel,
weighty with Max Planck’s quanta, vivid with hair, opaque in the dawn light, robed in real linen
spun on a definite loom.
Let us not seek to make it less monstrous,
for our own convenience, our own sense of beauty,
lest, awakened in one unthinkable hour, we are embarrassed by the miracle,
and crushed by remonstrance.
- John Updike
I'm reminded of Flannery O'Connor's great line: "If it's just a symbol, to hell with it."