Mirror of Justice

A blog dedicated to the development of Catholic legal theory.
Affiliated with the Program on Church, State & Society at Notre Dame Law School.

Tuesday, April 6, 2010

"Life is Good" (Take 2)

I am re-posting this, because I forgot to open comments on the original.  And, I would welcome comments . . .

Here is a short essay I did, for Notre Dame Magazine, which tries to connect "Jake" (the stick-figure guy with the smile who's on all the t-shirts), Nick Wolterstorff, and human dignity.  The bumper of my Jeep makes an appearance.  (Sorry for the long excerpt.)  Comments welcome!

I cannot help it — I love “Jake,” the distilled-to-his-essence stick-figure with a wide, winning grin, never-off shades and a disarming, simple message: “Life is good.”

Yes, he’s probably, to put it mildly, a bit overexposed. In fact, he’s everywhere. In airport gift shops and upscale shopping malls, on bumper stickers and backpacks, on doggie Frisbees, gold balls and baby bibs, there’s Jake — deftly managing a sizzling grill, cruising on a mountain bike, relaxing in a hammock, strolling through the woods, strumming a guitar. “Life is good,” he reports through the medium of carefully distressed “vintage” T-shirts. His sure seems to be.

It would be easy, but mistaken, to dismiss Jake as a knock-off of Harvey Ball’s “Have a Nice Day” smiley-face. The latter’s expression is vacant and phony — stoned, maybe — but Jake’s is genuinely happy. The smiley-face is a logo, with no story, plans or dreams, but Jake is the buddy who calls to cajole you into skipping work for a powder-day. “Have a nice day” is a limp, tepid, vague suggestion. “Life is good” is a bold blend of laid-back vibe and affirmation of the cosmos.

Jake is not just a stylized Crocodile Dundee (“No worries!”) or Bobby McFerrin (“Don’t worry, be happy!”), who is relieved to report that things aren’t too bad. He’s no slacker-nihilist, shrugging off what comes with a “Whatever, dude.” No, for Jake, life is Whitmanesque — it is large, it contains multitudes, and he likes it. It is good.

No doubt, Jake’s success is a tribute to lifestyle marketing, but his is more than a “lifestyle” claim. It is, I think, also a theological one, and I like to imagine that he knows it. When God made the world — the “dome in the middle of the waters,” the “two great lights,” the “great sea monsters” and “all kinds of creeping things” — we are told that “He saw how good it was.” Jake invites us to suppose that God’s verdict on bike rides through the backcountry and sausages cooked over fire would be — indeed, that it is — the same. No Manichean darkness here: Jake’s spirituality is joyfully incarnational. His world, like Gerard Manley Hopkins’, is “charged with the grandeur” — the goodness — “of God.”

As a general matter, I am leery of bumper stickers, even ones that tout candidates I support or causes to which I am committed. I would hate to undermine them with a sloppy lane-change, an ill-timed nose-scratch or a long-delayed car wash. My “Life is good” decal, though, seems perfect. It says it all — or, at least, it says a lot — and, really, who could object?

Secret message

To be honest, however, my sticker has a double meaning. As I see it, I’m not only safely throwing in my lot with Jake, and reminding my fellow drivers of the joys to be found in and through guitars, barbeques and hiking boots. I like to think that I am also proposing sneakily what I suppose I am too nervous to proclaim more straightforwardly (on my car, anyway): Every human person is precious and inviolable, every human person has dignity and worth, and every human person — old and young, strong and frail, vulnerable and independent, loved and lonely, innocent and guilty — ought to be welcomed in life and protected by law.

But am I really saying all that? Maybe I’m kidding myself. Sure, I want to think that Jake and his motto make it easier to invite my fellow drivers-citizens to consider and embrace what others’ bumpers say more explicitly, but is it just wishful, self-justifying thinking to imagine that hearts and minds are moved, pervasively and comprehensively, in the pro-life direction by even a contagiously good-natured cartoon-guy’s pro-“life” catch-phrase? And does Jake’s message really capture, or even map onto, what I and so many others mean by “pro-life”?

In his 1995 encyclical, The Gospel of Life, Pope John Paul II challenged all people of good will to take on the “responsibility of choosing to be unconditionally pro-life.” Does my display of Jake’s good-natured profession cut it?

Maybe not. The pro-life message, after all, is not — that is, it is not only — that there’s a lot of fun to be had in “life,” that we should hope, look and reach for many pleasant experiences. It’s a call to communion, love and relationship, not just to hedonism. The good news that is the Gospel of Life is not just that not all of the stuff in the universe is inanimate but is instead teeming with metabolism, reproduction, growth and adaptation. It’s amazing and wonderful, certainly, that so much in the world is alive, and only a crank would refuse to marvel at, even revel in, its dynamism.

Still, “to be unconditionally pro-life” would seem to involve more than standing duly impressed before the workings of DNA and photosynthesis. No, the pro-life claim is about us, and not only about the arenas in which we struggle, the contexts through which we move and the stories we construct. It is about the amazing mystery and gift that is the person who lives — and laughs and cries and prays and plays — and not only about the no-doubt impressive facts that cells multiply and neurons fire.

The pro-life proposal, what it is that I want Jake to be saying when he revels in the goodness of life, is that the individual human person — every one — matters. Each person — every one — carries, in C.S. Lewis’ words, the “Weight of Glory.”

“There are no ordinary people,” Lewis insisted; “You have never talked to a mere mortal. Nations, cultures, arts, civilisations — these are mortal, and their life is to ours as the life of a gnat. But it is immortals whom we joke with, work with, marry, snub and exploit — immortal horrors or everlasting splendours.”

The claim that every person matters and has worth might seem unremarkable. Perhaps it is one of those “duh” observations that is not even worthy of a bumper sticker, let alone a pop-culture phenomenon like Jake. It is, certainly, the purported premise of the law and morality of human rights and of our American civil religion (“with liberty and justice for all”). But can this claim, this premise, bear the weight we ask it to carry? Is there anything to it? What’s so special about us, actually?

My Notre Dame colleague Tom Shaffer has said that every human person is “infinitely valuable, relentlessly unique, endlessly interesting.” This is true, I’m sure. But what is it, exactly, that makes it true, and not just wishful thinking or a delusion of grandeur?

The great worth

We profess — Jake and I, and the rest of our pro-life friends — that the dying and elderly deserve more, and better, than a chemically hastened, hospital-bed-vacating death, but what makes this true, as opposed to merely squeamish or sentimental?

We affirm that even the commission of the most grave, most horrible crime should not be enough to push the criminal beyond all hope for reconciliation, repentance and relationship, but what saves this affirmation from being so much soft-hearted, excessively expensive fluff?

We insist, flying in the face of a culture that holds out ability and achievement as the criteria for a worthy life, that a severely disabled unborn child is no less welcome, and no less inviolable, than the most gifted protégé, but why isn’t this insistence mere preening or self-indulgence?

“What is man,” the Psalmist asked God, “that thou are mindful of him?” What indeed. After all, he noted, human beings “are but a breath” and “their days are like a passing shadow.” More than a few contemporary philosophers would agree with John Searle, who insists that the world “consists entirely of physical particles in fields of force,” some of which have become organized into “certain higher-level nervous systems.” We are, in other words, electrified sacks of fluid, meat-puppets in particle-clogged space. What is so “good” about that?

It is, to say the least, an unsettling question. We are committed, today, to the morality and language of human rights and human dignity. We believe, in Nicholas Wolterstorff’s words, that “human beings, all of them, are irreducibly precious.” This is true, if a bit wordy for a bumper sticker. But how is it true, and what makes it true?

Many would say that our “reason,” “autonomy” or “capabilities” do the work. We are valuable and inviolable, the arguments go, because of the impressive, inspiring things we do, or at least can do. To be sure, we can do amazing things, we do have characteristics and capacities that set us apart and above so much else that is. But these are not enough. Many of us are broken, disabled, unimpressive; all of us are dependent, vulnerable and incomplete.

The Psalmist, again, gave thanks that he was “fearfully, wonderfully made,” but even a well-designed meat-puppet is, well, just that. Looking through a microscope, one might mistake us for chimps, if not worms. What gives us — what gives life — the great worth that we have and that saves our talk of rights, dignity and the sacred from being so much pretty nonsense?

Remember here the children’s book The Velveteen Rabbit. A little boy’s toy becomes, over the years, “old and shabby, but the Boy loved him just as much. He loved him so hard that he loved all his whiskers off, and the pink lining to his ears turned grey, and his brown spots faded. He even began to lose his shape, and he scarcely looked like a rabbit any more, except to the Boy. To him he was always beautiful, and that was all that the little Rabbit cared about.” Eventually the Rabbit is made “Real” by having been loved by the Boy.

In a similar way, Wolterstorff has argued, God’s love for us is what makes it true that we are precious, sacred and have worth. Our dignity is real; it is not just a convenient, reassuring construct. But, it is not achieved, earned or performed. It is freely bestowed and lovingly given. Our human rights do not attach to our own capacities but instead to the “worth bestowed on human beings by that love.”

This is what John Paul II called the “moral truth about the human person,” that the “greatness of human beings is founded precisely in their being creatures of a loving God” and not self-styled authors of their own destiny. That in which we so justifiably take pride is also, and always, a call to humility. Not one of us, in the ways that really count and matter, is self-made, and thank God for that.

Life is good, then, and it is because we love and are loved.

That almost does sound like it could work on a bumper sticker.

A must-read interview with a worthy and admirable American Catholic

Here.

You know who I'm talking about . . .

There is no doubt that Mike Krzyzewski has enjoyed success in his life. But he also knows that a lot of people had something to do with that success.

“I feel that the success that I’ve had in my life is a result of God-given talents that were helped to be developed by a number of people and that I need to use those talents in a proper way. To me that’s living your faith.”

So at the end of the day, what would Coach K like to be remembered for? Is it the titles and the awards? No. Mike Krzyzewski says he would like people to remember “just the fact that I’m an honest man, a truthful person and somebody who cares about people, not just himself.” Chances are they’ll probably also note that he won a few basketball games along the way.

What the Church says to the "little ones"

By Robin Darling Young
professor of theology, University of Notre Dame

A recent catch-phrase among anti-abortion Catholics goes: "What will you say to the babies?" It refers to the ancient belief that aborted infants will see harsh justice done to their selfish parents on Judgment Day- already in the second century, the Apocalypse of Paul pictured parents in hell judged by the souls of their babies. Updated for the abortion polemic, this question asks not only parents, but all voters, how they would justify their vote for a "pro-abortion" politician such as Barack Obama.

This Holy Week the question has an unintended association. What will the Roman Catholic Church say to the "little ones" about whom Jesus is reported to have told his disciples "If any of you scandalize one of these little ones who believe in me, it would be better for you if a great millstone were fastened around your neck and you were drowned in the depth of the sea." (Matthew 18:6)

Its defenders, Pope Benedict XVI among them, claim that the Church is judged unfairly; that the problem is widespread; that the New York Times and other publications are part of a conspiracy to destroy the Church. These noisemakers hope, perhaps, to change the subject.

Charges and counter-charges about who knew what and when, whether or not bishops or even the pope should resign, bitter controversy among lay Catholics, and Church defensiveness are shaping much public discourse on this matter. Throughout all this, Catholics are ignoring the core of the problem: that children were raped.

As anyone raped as a child can attest, there are three chief elements in the event. The first is the relationship between the rapist and the child. This is often one of trust, or at least gullibility, with respect to the person who desires sex with the child. Often manipulation occurs, if the action is not an act of brute force. The child is coaxed, played with, fondled and finally penetrated - often literally, and always psychologically.

The second element is the sexual act itself. Adult rapists want to achieve coitus with the small bodies of children. Often since they know this is wrong, they can also enjoy the thrill that they might now, or one day, be discovered. They can enjoy the thrill of domination, and the temporary bliss of coupling. They can enjoy their betrayal of the Church in which they are themselves often prisoners, and they can enjoy the art of hiding and dissimulation. The Church, being a very old institution, has long suffered the "imperfections" of illicit sexual partnerships among its clergy and, to be fair, among religious sisters. The predictable results of such dishonesty has been lying and turning a blind eye - "a scandal is not a scandal," a prominent Midwestern archbishop told me once, "until it is public."

The third element is the lasting state of mind of those who have been raped. The children who were fondled, penetrated - often painfully - and then abandoned are forced into a different game. They have had to protect their abusers through enforced silence. They may have developed a love for their abusers that will haunt them for the rest of their lives. Because they have been forced into sexual activity before they are ready for it, they will come to expect this kind of treatment - and they will reproduce it. It is well known now that pedophiles cannot be cured - the state of mind that causes their actions has also caused them to objectify other human beings, and to use them as an accompaniment to their own internal, and impotent, fantasies. But rape victims cannot really be cured, either - the act continues, and they continue to be penetrated and hurt, and they continue to seek someone resembling their rapists, in order to rectify, or to repeat and understand, their original violation.

It is monstrous to obscure the pain of these human beings damaged by agents of a Church that claims to represent Jesus and his teachings. For these damaged children the offending priests, bishops, and now the pope himself are responsible. The deaf boys of Wisconsin, and all the children ruined and silenced by the Church are, unlike aborted babies, still alive, are still being raped by Fr. Murphy and all the other abusers, and they are now asking the Roman Catholic hierarchy what they will say to these young children whose parents placed them in their care.

In Holy Week it is only just that the Church should be compelled to have something to say to them.

Robin Darling Young is Associate Professor of Theology at the University of Notre Dame.

[The original is here:  the WP's "On Faith".]

The Church as Victim in Abuse Scandal

I agree with Peggy Noonan that the Church should be thankful for the media coverage that provided the motivation to take the priest sexual abuse crisis seriously -- indeed, perhaps even to begin viewing it as a "crisis" in the first place.  I also agree with observers who point out that at least some of the media coverage is shaped by a not-too-subtle desire to discredit the Church.  Witness, for example, Get Religion's helpful comparison of the AP report of an Indian priest's alleged sexual abuse in Minnesota with the New York Times' coverage of the same allegations.  It has been troubling, though, that at least some Church leaders seem to be focusing their concern on the unfair media coverage, rather than on the events that put the Church in the position of having to deal with unfair media coverage.  It gives support to critics who say that the primary objective of Church leaders has always been defending the public perception of the Church, and that this mindset, as seen in the "blame the media" strategy, also contributed to the scandal itself.

Now to jump into some murky ecclesiological waters that are undoubtedly over my head, one of my concerns when I became Catholic was the extent to which my Catholic friends sometimes struggled to talk about their relationship with God, rather than their relationship with the institutional Church.  There are different dynamics going on here, I know, but I wonder if they stem from a common tendency to view the Church as the ultimate end of the Christian life, rather than as a body that "places herself concretely at the service of the Kingdom of God." (Compendium para. 50)  If Church leaders began with the questions, "What is the mission of the Church, and how have the Church's failings compromised that mission?," I wonder if the conversation would be any different than it is today.

Obama's Nanny State at Work

The administration's hunger for social control knows no bounds.

Monday, April 5, 2010

Congrats to Daniel, and to Rick

Great game.  Butler can hold its head high!

Well, there could well be a liberal Catholic argument with it

As Finnis, Boyle, and Grisez make clear, their critique of the morality of forming even a conditional intention to kill non-combatants (whether the weapons one is contemplating using are nuclear or conventional) depends entirely on the rejection of the putative principle of moral judgment that directs the choosing subject to select that option which overall and in the long run promises to yield the net best proportion of benefit to harm.  This is the master principle of "proportionalist" ethics of the sort famously championed by liberal Catholic moral theologians such as Bernard Haring, Joseph Fuchs, Charles Curran, and Richard McCormick.  They and other liberal Catholic theologians who adopted the proportionalist method invoked this principle in defending contraception, homosexual conduct, direct abortion in some cases, and certain other practices that Catholic moral teaching condemns as intrinsically immoral.  Proportionalism seems incompatible with the belief that any specific moral norm can be an "absolute," that is, a norm that rules out certain forms of conduct always and everywhere, irrespective of the consequences of honoring it.  On a proportionalist understanding, there is no reason in principle to rule out in advance the possibility that forming a conditional intention to kill noncombatants in a retaliatory attack would, all things considered, probably produce the net best proportion of benefit to harm overall and in the long run.  Of course, for their own reasons, liberal Catholics might like Obama's policy of "narrow[ing] the conditions under which the United States would use nuclear weapons."  But, to the extent that they embrace a proportionalist understanding of fundamental ethics and moral theology, they are in no posistion to draw support from the work of Finnis, Boyle, and Grisez on direct killing and conditional intentions, or to claim that definitive Catholic teaching absolutely rules out the direct killing of noncombatants and the forming of even conditional intentions to kill innocent human beings.  They are scarcely in a posistion to criticize "Republicans" or others who oppose Obama's nuclear weapons policies on the ground that sound policy treats non-combatant immunity as a moral absolute.  No one will be surprised that my advice to them is to abandon proportionalism.  Then they could, with integrity, condemn the killing of noncombatants as a matter of strict principle, and call out Republicans and others (including most Democrats) who favor a policy that depends on the formation of conditional intentions to kill noncombatants all they want.  Of course, I would then invite them to rethink their views on sexual ethics, abortion, and some other important moral issues on which some liberal Catholics tend to be closer to the views of the New York Times editorial board than to the firm and constant teaching of the Catholic Church.

This American Life on Former Monk/Fixer

[Cross posted at dotCommonweal]  I heard this segment of This American Life on my way home today.  It was a powerful story that, in my view, captures what is wrong (but at the same time almost inevitable) about how the hierarchy has responded to the (now global) abuse problem.  Here's the summary:

Patrick Wall was a special kind of monk. He was a fixer. The Catholic church sent him to problem parishes where priests had been removed because of scandal. His job was to come in, keep events from going public and smooth things over until a permanent replacement priest was found. But after four different churches in four years, after covering up for pedophiles and adulterers and liars and embezzlers he decided to make a change. Carl Marziali tells his story. (21 minutes)

You can stream the entire episode here.  The Wall segment is the first segment of the show.  As a lawyer, I was particularly intrigued when Wall said he thought his work with plaintiffs' lawyers was in many ways more pastoral than the work he was asked to do as a "fixer."  The 20 minutes or so is well worth your time.

UPDATE:  Grant Gallicho tells me that Patrick Wall -- who now works for a plaintiffs' firm -- has quite a history of making questionable claims about the abuse issue.  I'm not sure how much of that bleeds into this particular interview, which I found interesting precisely because of the way it illuminates the ambiguous role litigation in both of Wall's incarnations (as a "fixer" and as a consultant for plaintiffs' lawyers).   On the one hand, it has helped bring to light lots of documents that we surely never would have seen about the extent of the problem and the flawed responses to it by the relevant authorities (both within and outside the Church).  On the other hand, as Wall concedes, the threat of litigation pushed him into a corner in his role as "fixer," causing him (along with other things, no doubt) to approach victims in a less than pastoral manner.  But, as with everything, please take the story with the appropriate grains of salt.

Yuval Levin on why Obamacare is a catastrophe and how it should be repealed

In a series of posts on MoJ, our brother Greg Sisk has offered powerful criticisms of the Democrats approach to health care insurance reform.  In the cover story of the new issue of the Weekly Standard, Yuval Levin, editor of National Affairs magazine and one of Washington's most brilliant policy analysts, offers a comprehensive analysis that is very much in line with Greg's critique.  Here is a taste:

Conservative and liberal experts generally agree on the nature of the problem with American halth care financing: There is a shortage of incentives for efficiency in our methods of paying for coverage and care, and therefore costs are rising much too quickly, leaving too many people unable to afford insurance. We have neither a fully public nor quite a private system of insurance, and three key federal policies—the fee-for-service structure of Medicare, the disjointed financing of Medicaid, and the open-ended tax exclusion for employer-provided insurance—drive spending and costs ever upward. 

The disagreement about just how to fix that problem has tended to break down along a familiar dispute between left and right: whether economic efficiency is best achieved by the rational control of expert management or by the lawful chaos of open competition. 

Liberals argue that the efficiency we lack would be achieved by putting as much as possible of the health care sector into one big “system” in which the various irregularities could be evened and managed out of existence by the orderly arrangement of rules and incentives. The problem now, they say, is that health care is too chaotic and answers only to the needs of the insurance companies. If it were made more orderly, and answered to the needs of the public as a whole, costs could be controlled more effectively.

Conservatives argue that the efficiency we lack would be achieved by allowing price signals to shape the behavior of both providers and consumers, creating more savings than we could hope to produce on purpose, and allowing competition and informed consumer choices to exercise a downward pressure on prices. The problem now, they say, is that third-party insurance (in which employers buy coverage or the government provides it, and consumers almost never pay doctors directly) makes health care too opaque, hiding the cost of everything from everyone and so making real pricing and therefore real economic efficiency impossible. If it were made more transparent and answered to the wishes of consumers, prices could be controlled more effectively.

That means that liberals and conservatives want to pursue health care reform in roughly opposite directions. Conservatives propose ways of introducing genuine market forces into the insurance system—to remove obstacles to choice and competition, pool risk more effectively, and reduce the inefficiency in government health care entitlements while helping those for whom entry to the market is too expensive (like Americans with preexisting conditions) gain access to the same high quality care. Such targeted efforts would build on what is best about the system we have in order to address what needs fixing. 

Liberals, meanwhile, propose ways of moving Americans to a more fully public system, by arranging conditions in the health care sector (through a mix of mandates, regulations, taxes, and subsidies) to nudge people toward public coverage, which could be more effectively managed. This is the approach the Democrats originally proposed last year. The idea was to end risk-based insurance by making it essentially illegal for insurers to charge people different prices based on their health, age, or other factors; to force everyone to participate in the system so that the healthy do not wait until they’re sick to buy insurance; to align various insurance reforms in a way that would raise premium costs in the private market; and then to introduce a government-run insurer that, whether through Medicare’s negotiating leverage or through various exemptions from market pressures, could undersell private insurers and so offer an attractive “public option” to people being pushed out of employer plans into an increasingly expensive individual market. 

Conservatives opposed this scheme because they believed a public insurer could not introduce efficiencies that would lower prices without brutal rationing of services. Liberals supported it because they thought a public insurer would be fairer and more effective. 

But in order to gain 60 votes in the Senate last winter, the Democrats were forced to give up on that public insurer, while leaving the other components of their scheme in place. The result is not even a liberal approach to escalating costs but a ticking time bomb: a scheme that will build up pressure in our private insurance system while offering no escape. Rather than reform a system that everyone agrees is unsustainable, it will subsidize that system and compel participation in it—requiring all Americans to pay ever-growing premiums to insurance companies while doing essentially nothing about the underlying causes of those rising costs.

Liberal health care mavens understand this. When the public option was removed from the health care bill in the Senate, Howard Dean argued in the Washington Post that the bill had become merely a subsidy for insurance companies, and failed completely to control costs. Liberal health care blogger Jon Walker said, “The Senate bill will fail to stop the rapidly approaching meltdown of our health care system, and anyone is a fool for thinking otherwise.” Markos Moulitsas of the Daily Kos called the bill “unconscionable” and said it lacked “any mechanisms to control costs.” 

Indeed, many conservatives, for all their justified opposition to a government takeover of health care, have not yet quite seen the full extent to which this bill will exacerbate the cost problem. It is designed to push people into a system that will not exist—a health care bridge to nowhere—and so will cause premiums to rise and encourage significant dislocation and then will initiate a program of subsidies whose only real answer to the mounting costs of coverage will be to pay them with public dollars and so increase them further. It aims to spend a trillion dollars on subsidies to large insurance companies and the expansion of Medicaid, to micromanage the insurance industry in ways likely only to raise premiums further, to cut Medicare benefits without using the money to shore up the program or reduce the deficit, and to raise taxes on employment, investment, and medical research. 

The case for averting all of that could hardly be stronger. And the nature of the new law means that it must be undone—not trimmed at the edges. Once implemented fully, it would fairly quickly force a crisis that would require another significant reform. Liberals would seek to use that crisis, or the prospect of it, to move the system toward the approach they wanted in the first place: arguing that the only solution to the rising costs they have created is a public insurer they imagine could outlaw the economics of health care. A look at the fiscal collapse of the Medicare system should rid us of the notion that any such approach would work, but it remains the left’s preferred solution, and it is their only plausible next move—indeed, some Democrats led by Iowa senator Tom Harkin have already begun talking about adding a public insurance option to the plan next year. 

Because Obamacare embodies a rejection of incrementalism, it cannot be improved in small steps. Fixing our health care system in the wake of the program’s enactment will require a big step—repeal of the law before most of it takes hold—followed by incremental reforms addressing the public’s real concerns.

Read the whole thing here: http://www.weeklystandard.com/articles/repeal


No Catholic argument with this, right?

Breaking News Alert
The New York Times
Mon, April 05, 2010 -- 8:15 PM ET

Obama Limits When U.S. Can Use Nuclear Weapons

WASHINGTON -- President Obama said Monday that he was revamping American nuclear strategy to substantially narrow the conditions under which the United States would use nuclear weapons, even in self defense.

The strategy eliminates much of the ambiguity that has deliberately existed in American nuclear policy since the opening days of the Cold War. For the first time, the United States is explicitly committing not to use nuclear weapons against non-nuclear states that are in compliance with the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, even if they attacked the United States with biological or chemical weapons, or launched a crippling cyberattack.
_______________________________________________________________________________________

On the "No Catholic argument with this," see John Finnis, Joseph Boyle Jr. and Germain Grisez, Nuclear Deterrence, Morality and Realism (Oxford, 1988), here.

[Cross-posted at ReligionLeftLaw.]