Mirror of Justice

A blog dedicated to the development of Catholic legal theory.
Affiliated with the Program on Church, State & Society at Notre Dame Law School.

Monday, May 4, 2009

Richard McBrien on Obama at Notre Dame -- and Double Standards

This is Father McBrien's column from NCR, 5/4/09:

Intrinsic evil vs. run-of-the-mill evil

by Richard P. McBrien [the Crowley-O'Brien Professor of Theology at the University of Notre Dame]

As we approach the Notre Dame commencement ceremonies (on May 17) at which President Barack Obama will address the graduates and receive an honorary doctorate of laws, much to the consternation of a certain segment of the U.S. Catholic community, it is long past the time when a major theological fallacy needs to be exposed and rebutted.

That fallacy consists of the assumption that only an intrinsic evil is to be held against a public figure, such as the president of the United States, a U.S. senator, a member of the House of Representatives, or the governor of one of the 50 states.

Since abortion is regarded as an intrinsic evil, anyone who is deemed pro-abortion (the assumption is that pro-choice is equivalent to pro-abortion) is, by that fact, deemed unworthy of any honors conferred by the Catholic church or any Catholic institution.

Some have even gone so far as to say that such individuals, if Catholic, should be barred from the reception of Holy Communion.

In the face of outraged protests against the invitation that Notre Dame extended to President Obama, it has been pointed out that these same people did not protest a similar invitation that the university extended to President George W. Bush during his first year in office.

Although President Bush had not yet launched the preemptive war in Iraq, over the strong opposition of Pope John Paul II, he had already established an unenviable record as governor of Texas in presiding over the largest number of executions in the entire country: 152.

Indeed, even in December 2000, a month after the presidential election, Governor Bush signed off on three more executions, bringing the total number of executions in Texas that year to 40 -- an all-time record for any state since the U.S. Supreme Court reinstituted the death penalty in 1976.

The counter-argument from certain types of Catholics is that capital punishment isn't intrinsically evil; therefore, then-Governor Bush deserved a pass.

But Pope John Paul II, in his 1995 encyclical Evangelium vitae ("The Gospel of life"), made it very clear that there are, for all practical purposes, no circumstances under which the death penalty can be imposed, no matter how heinous the capital crime.

The pope wrote that the State "ought not to go to the extreme of executing the offender except in cases of absolute necessity: in other words, when it would not be possible otherwise to defend society. Today however, as a result of steady improvements in the organization of the penal system, such cases are very rare, if not practically non-existent" (n. 56).

Ah, some say, but the pope allows for that rare exception when capital punishment might be allowed. Therefore, it cannot be intrinsically evil, because what is intrinsically evil can never be allowed.

But if only intrinsically evil actions are to be counted against a public official, a whole series of evils could be ignored, including the waging of an unjust war, torture, the denial of human rights, and on and on.

Even granting the counter-argument that the pope allowed for rare exceptions, by what reasonable moral standards would 152 executions over the course of Governor Bush's two terms in Texas be considered "rare"? And by what moral standards would 40 executions in the year 2000 alone be considered "rare"?

And yet less than a year later, in May 2001, the University of Notre Dame invited now-President Bush to be its commencement speaker and the recipient of an honorary degree. Where were the same Catholics who are now protesting the invitation to President Obama? Did they also protest the honor to be accorded to George W. Bush because of his presiding over more executions in Texas than any other governor in the United States?

No, they did not. And why not? Because they did not, and do not, regard capital punishment as an intrinsic evil, like abortion, even though Pope John Paul II unmistakably condemned the death penalty, as does The Catechism of the Catholic Church (n. 2267), which the pope himself cited.

If the only moral condemnations of the church that a Catholic is required to take seriously are its condemnations of intrinsic evils, then why, by the same process of "logic," can we not argue that the only teachings of a pope that we are required to accept are infallible teachings?

But if that were the case, not a single teaching of Pope John Paul II in all 26 and a half years of his pontificate, would have to be accepted, because not once in his entire pontificate did he issue an infallible pronouncement.

Let's finally put the intrinsic-evil argument to rest.

Cathy Kaveny on Conscience Protections

In the latest issue of COMMONWEAL, here.

John Allen on the Vatican on Obama

News from NCRonline.org
May 4, 2009 National Catholic Reporter  

This story has been posted to NCRonline.org
 
Vatican balances competing interests on multiple fronts

By John L. Allen Jr.
When L'Osservatore Romano published an essay this week suggesting that U.S. President Barack Obama's positions on abortion and other life issues "have not confirmed fears of radical changes," it provided the latest confirmation of a glaring difference in tone between the Vatican and the most ardently pro-life circles in the American Catholic church, including a growing number of American bishops.

Read more.

What should a "mission course" look like at a Catholic law school?

Marc DeGirolami raises some important questions.

Religious faith and corporate law in the blawgosphere

Recently my colleague Lyman Johnson hosted a roundtable discussion on religious faith and corporate law here at St. Thomas.  The discussion was lively and insightful, featuring contributions from our own Susan Stabile, along with David Skeel (Penn), Gordon Smith (BYU), Ron Colombo (Hofstra), Sarah Duggin (Catholic), Robert Ashford (Syracuse), and Mike Naughton (St. Thomas - Catholic Studies).  The conversation is going to continue this week at The Conglomerate, so be sure to check in there early and often.

Saturday, May 2, 2009

More from the CUA conference on "religious mission" and law schools

As Patrick and Amy have already mentioned, we had the pleasure of participating in a panel discussion at Catholic University last week on the subject of "Realizing Religious Mission in Legal Education."  Their remarks were, no surprise, both inspiring and insightful.  I was speaking from notes, but tried to get across the following:  First, the "religious mission" of a law school and a dedication to that mission's realization should never be seen as an excuse for failing to display (in Judge Noonan's words) the "qualities common to all excellent schools," including rigorous standards for scholarship.

Second, I emphasized three ideas:  novelty, opportunity, and community.  The point of "novelty" is to underscore the fact that the "Catholic law school project" is not an exercise in reaction, nostalgia, or retrieval.  The kind of enterprise we are talking about is new.  "Opportunity" suggests that an emphasis on, and aspiration to, Catholic character presents a way to capture the benefits of "institutional pluralism".  A distinctive law school is more likely to be interesting and, therefore, attractive.  Finally, "community.'  A Catholic law school is a community of scholars, and that community will include people who are not doing "Catholic stuff" in their scholarship.  A danger, it seems to me, in the mission-project is that the "mission" becomes the property of "professional Catholics" or church-state specialists.

Continuing with "Capitalism and Christianity" ...

In asking Chris Scaperlanda for permission to post his message (here), I added:

"'Government is not the answer.'  Government is not the answer to what?  There are surely many things that 'government'--collective public action--is not the answer to.  But just as surely there are many things that collective public action *is* the answer to.  Any 'third way' will try to discern which is which, yes?  And there will be many reasonable disagreements, yes?"

To which Chris kindly replied:

"As for the role of government in achieving economic justice, please note that I was not commenting on my own view, but rather was making clear the views of those doing the heavy lifting. And I think that each of them would argue that government should enact certain policies and not others and should generally not favor the unregulated market above all else. And of course, there is (and must be) plenty of room for debate on which government policies should be enacted and which rejected, and frankly, I'm sure that if you got Bill Cavanaugh, Rod Dreher, and Alasdair MacIntyre into one room to discuss government policy, they themselves would debate the issue pretty heavily.

"One common thread that runs through the thought each person I mentioned in my previous email - as well as Oxford Economist E.F. Schumacher in Small is Beautiful and Harvard economist Stephen A. Marglin in The Dismal Science - is the importance of community in creating and sustaining what Schumacher termed "economics as if people mattered." And actually Marglin, in the introduction to his book, discusses how, ironically, free-market economic thinking is what got us to the point where the only community we take seriously is the 'imagined community of the nation.'

"They have varying degrees of tolerance for state action. Cavanaugh, in particular, seriously mistrusts the nation-state. He has an article called Killing for the Telephone Company that is a pretty strong attack on the conservative rhetoric leading into the Iraq war. His major critique is of the conservative claim that Catholics may support the war because government is given, by the catechism, discretion about when to launch a war. The Catechism actually says that 'those bodies charged with the common good' have that discretion, and, after analyzing the history and philosophy undergirding the nation-state, he is convinced that it is unreasonable to trust the nation-state with the common good."

Chris concluded with this question:  "If you don't mind, what role do you think the state should play? And what about community?"  I wish I were competent to give a good answer to that question, but, alas, I'm not.

Thanks so much for your messages, Chris.

Capitalism v. Christianity, Con't

In response to this brief post yesterday--which, appropriately enough, was May Day--I received a message from a MOJ-reader (who happens to be the son of an MOJ-blogger), Christopher Scaperlanda.  With Chris's permission, I am posting his message:

"[Y]our most recent post, on MacIntyre and capitalism, picqued my interest in a particular way, both because I am a former student of MacIntyre's and because I've been reading pretty vociferously trying to better understand what a truly Christian economics would look like and what I can do, in the absence of starting a revolution, to bring justice to my life as an economic participant.

"I also thought that you would be interested to know that among conservatives there is a growing trend away from worship of the free market. Rod Dreher has a fantastic book called Crunchy Cons in which he details that many liberal ideas about organic food, about transit, about the environment and about many other issues are actually far more conservative than the free market, growth and efficiency, regardless of the costs to community, environment, or humanity mantra embraced by the Republican party. (One of his foundational principles: big business is as bad as big government). He also has his own blog, and writes for Front Porch Republic, which is a kind of meeting of the minds among people who would consider themselves conservative in those same ways (I find that I agree with that lot as a whole less than with Dreher, but I thought you might be interested).

"William Cavanaugh also has an outstanding book out called Being Consumed, which is an extremely short book detailing what a truly Christian economics would look like. Among his many insights are the fact that instead of asking whether we should support a free market, we should really ask the question "When is a market truly free." He really does a great job shifting the debate, talking about practical things that we can do in the context of daily life, and describing why an orthodox Catholic should not also bow at the altar of the free market, as currently understood.

"I guess, more than anything, I wanted to let you know that the literature is out there (and that it is well worth reading). There are some great people who are doing their best to explain how unbridled capitalism is inconsistent with genuine conservatism (in Dreher's case) or with orthodox Catholicism (in Cavanaugh's case). But its also important to note that neither of these guys is a "government is the answer" liberal, either (nor, of course, is MacIntyre). All three of them are trying to think outside the current paradigm to find a way to bring about a genuinely just economics that makes space for human freedom. If you are interested, they are all well worth the time it takes to read them."

Attend church = support torture?

It seems that Christian churches -- including the Catholic Church -- need to do a lot more talking, and teaching, about torture.  This survey reports that the more frequently a person attends church, the more likely they are to believe that the torture of a suspected terrorist is morally permissible.

Arguments for Religious Liberty Under Same-Sex Marriage: Latest Version

Four of us legal academics (Garnett, Wilson, Esbeck, and Berg) who have been pressing legislators for religious liberty protections in same-sex marriage laws have a slightly revised version of our arguments in this letter.  We sent it to the governor and legislative leaders in Maine, where one house has approved SSM implementation and the other is set to vote next week.  Meanwhile, bills recognizing SSM in New Hampshire, with a very narrow religious exemption, have passed both houses and are in a conference committee; and the issue is coming to a head in other places as well, including Iowa and the District of Columbia.

In the latest letter we clarify our proposal for exempting organizations and individuals who object to facilitating a same-sex marriage, to provide that the exemption may be overridden in cases where the marrying couple cannot obtain similar services from another source and the inability to obtain the services causes "substantial hardship."  In some sparsely populated rural areas, one can imagine all of the service providers (caterers, photgraphers etc.) in a large geographic area refusing to provide services to a same-sex couple marrying.  We think this will happen infrequently, and we emphasize that the hardship the couple faces must be substantial, "not mere inconvenience or symbolic harm."  We also say that clerks or other government officials cannot refuse to issue a marriage license, and thus block the marriage, "if another government official is not available and willing to do so."  Speaking for myself, I think that these clarifications balance the conflicting interests properly and also increase the chances that an exemption extending beyond churches to religious non-profits and commercial service providers will pass.