Mirror of Justice

A blog dedicated to the development of Catholic legal theory.
Affiliated with the Program on Church, State & Society at Notre Dame Law School.

Tuesday, March 10, 2009

"Urban Form as Spiritual Allegory"

Longtime MOJ readers know that I'm a property / land-use / urban-law scholar trapped in a ConLaw teacher's body.  On that note, I give you this post, "Urban Form as Spiritual Allegory," at a new (to me) and interesting blog, "PlumbLines."

Brad Gregory on Science, Scientism, and Morality

Responding to my earlier post, criticizing Pres. Obama's stem-cell-research statement, Prof. Brad Gregory (history, Notre Dame), offers this:

Not all disagreements are of a piece and not all diversity is desirable, as a moment’s reflection makes clear.  No one calls for more racist discourse or incitements to violence at Yale—thank goodness—even though more of each would obviously increase the university’s diversity.  Racism and violence are bad things, so they are rejected.  Some things shouldn’t be tolerated.  But what is the basis for such moral judgments?  Assertions of “human rights” will hardly do in a society riven by disagreements about what a human being is, as the abortion debate shows so starkly.  Why should we treat other human beings with dignity and respect, if self-interest offers more attractive alternatives?  Appeals to “human nature” are stillborn in an academic culture dismissive of the very notion as an oppressive, essentialist chimera.  The natural sciences can offer no help—despite the strained efforts of sociobiologists and evolutionary psychologists—if Homo sapiens is merely an unusually adaptive hominid, no different in kind than other mammalian species with which it shares so much genetic material.  The natural sciences neither observe any persons nor discover any rights—for the simple reason that there are none to be found given the metaphysical postulates and empiricist assumptions of science.  So-called transhumanists such as Simon Young grasp the implications: their deliberately eugenicist ethical agenda literally seeks the evolutionary self-transcendence of Homo sapiens through genetic manipulation.   If morality is a matter of preference among options, why not opt to make human beings obsolete by improving them?  Transhumanists simply want to enact their choices. 

        Claiming that morality is a constructed, contingent matter of preference has a rather problematic corollary: it implies that opposition to racism and violence is merely arbitrary.  We might happen not to like racist or sadistic or murderous views and actions, but that’s just us.  They are not intrinsically wrong, because nothing is, or indeed can be if, as physics Nobel laureate Steven Weinberg claims, we are “inventing values for ourselves as we go along.”   Neither are genocide, rape, torture, or the selling of teenage girls into sexual slavery intrinsically wrong.  We simply happen to live in a culture in which the majority happens not to like such things.  But perhaps people could be gradually persuaded to change their minds, or progressively pressured to adapt to different practices, or incrementally compelled to tolerate what previously they would not, as human beings have shown themselves so capable of doing. 

 

        Depending on what we’re talking about, the sort of relativistic inference frequently drawn from the fact of hyperpluralism—when expressed, for example, in blithe rejections of the notion of truth—is a dangerous, not to mention incoherent, move.  (It is incoherent because the assertion that there are no non-subjective truths is itself a truth claim.)  I’m all in favor of diversity with respect to ethnicities, art, literature, cuisine, and so forth.  But I regard the relativizing inference frequently drawn from the sociological fact of moral pluralism as not only dangerous, but potentially catastrophic.  Unless, of course, one doesn’t mind some genocide or rape, or thinks that the line from a song of ’80s rock star Pat Benatar applies just fine to the ambitions of transhumanists: “No one can tell us we’re wrong.”  Her lyrics are simply a corollary of Nietzsche’s claim: “there are no moral facts whatever.”

 

Today's the day . . . Don't kill school choice (and hope) in D.C.

Tell everyone you know, to write -- ASAP -- every Senator they can think of.  The Senate is scheduled to vote this morning on Sen. Ensign's amendment (No. 615) which would save the D.C. voucher program.  (If the Amendment does not pass, then hundreds of D.C. kids will have to leave their schools, and several D.C. Catholic schools, that serve low-income children, will have to close.)

Monday, March 9, 2009

What Happens in Connecticut Matters Here

Archbishop Chaput on the anti-Catholic Connecticut legislation:

To fellow Catholics of the Church in northern Colorado:


One of the ironies of Catholic life is that, while outsiders often see the Church as a monolith, the opposite is true.  Her real structure is much closer to a confederation of families.  Each diocese or "local Church" is accountable to the Holy See and in relation to one another within the Catholic faith.


But - both under Canon Law and in practice - each diocese is also largely autonomous.  The good news is that this ensures a healthy degree of diversity and freedom in local Catholic life.  The bad news is that those who resent the Church can more easily attack the believing community in a piecemeal way.


Bigoted legislators, including some who claim to be nominally or formerly "Catholic," are thankfully uncommon.  Most lawmakers, whatever their convictions, sincerely seek to serve the common good.  But prejudice against the Catholic Church has a long pedigree in the United States.  And rarely has belligerence toward the Church been so perfectly and nakedly captured as in Connecticut's pending Senate Bill 1098, which, in the words of Hartford's Archbishop Henry Mansell, "directly attacks the Roman Catholic Church and our Faith."


In effect, SB 1098 would give the state of Connecticut the power to forcibly reorganize the internal civil life of the Catholic community.  This is bad public policy in every sense: imprudent; unjust; dismissive of First Amendment concerns, and contemptuous of the right of the Catholic Church to be who she is as a public entity.  If Catholics want Caesar telling them how they're allowed to live their civil life as a community, this is exactly the kind of legislation to make it happen.


The legislative coercion directed against the Catholic community in one state has implications for Catholics in every other state.  If bigots in one state succeed in coercive laws like SB 1098, bigots in other states will try the same.


I strongly encourage Catholics across the archdiocese to show their support for the bishops and faithful Catholic people of Connecticut by writing the Connecticut lawmakers behind SB 1098 and letting them know - respectfully and firmly - that this kind of prejudicial lawmaking violates common sense, damages the common good and offends Catholics around the country.  One lesson we should learn from American history is this:  If Catholics don't defend their Church, nobody else will.


+Charles J. Chaput, O.F.M. Cap.
Archbishop of Denver

Why does it have to be embryonic?

I am in complete agreement with Rick's concerns about President Obama's explanation for his new policy on stem-cell research.

I continue to be frustrated and bewildered by these sorts of proclamations about how vital it is to press forward on all fronts with embryonic stem cell research, when there seem to be so many more significant and therapeutically promising medical possibilities emerging from adult stem cell research.  This story, for example (which was buried somewhere in the middle of my own local paper sometime over the weekend), announces some incredible advances in turning a person's own skin cells into stem cells.

Although  I don't know enough about the amount of federal funding at stake, I also appreciate this fiscal argument being made by Dr. Charmaine Yoest, President of Americans United for Life:     

“Embryonic stem cell research is the research of the past.  Millions of dollars have been spent on embryonic stem cell research and it has failed.  To pour more money into it is simply a waste.”

Dr. Yoest continued, “Even more, this research destroys lives at the very earliest stage of development.  Adult stem cell research is helping people now.  If we’re going to put tax dollars into research -- particularly at a time of unprecedented federal deficits -- it needs to be research that protects life and helps patients now.”

President Obama's stem-cell-research statement

The order is here:  "The Secretary of Health and Human Services (Secretary), through the Director of NIH, may support and conduct responsible, scientifically worthy human stem cell research, including human embryonic stem cell research, to the extent permitted by law."  The accompanying statement is here.

Many will, of course, welcome this (entirely predictable) policy shift.  And, no doubt, in some quarters, the President's concession that "[m]any thoughtful and decent people are conflicted about, or strongly oppose, this research" and his statement the he "understand[s] their concerns" and thinks "we must respect their point of view" will be seen not as empty, cynical, or patronizing, but instead as indicating moderation, civility, and thoughtfulness. 

It strikes me that -- wholly and apart from the coming policy, which I believe is horribly misguided -- the statement is a mess. 

We have been told, time and again, that President Bush "politicized" what should have been a "scientific" issue -- or worse, that he imposed "religious" strictures on scientific progress. Now, though, we hear Pres. Obama saying "[a]s a person of faith, I believe we are called to care for each other and work to ease human suffering. I believe we have been given the capacity and will to pursue this research -- and the humanity and conscience to do so responsibly." 

Of course, few would disagree with the statement that "we are called to care for each other and work to ease human suffering."  To say this is to say little. The question is, what does it mean to do so "responsibly"?  Where will the limiting criteria -- which, according to the President, and notwithstanding the "keep politics out of science" mantra, will be in place -- come from?  "Science", of course does not supply them. 

I wish we could drop the pretense that we are moving from a "politics and religion trumping science" regime to a "responsible science" regime, and simply admit that we are moving instead from "science constrained by one set of moral commitments" to "science constrained by a different set of moral commitments".  We could then ask whether the moral commitments in the new regime are really the ones we hold, and really up to the job of preventing horrible injustices.   

Consider this:

We will support it only when it is both scientifically worthy and responsibly conducted. We will develop strict guidelines, which we will rigorously enforce, because we cannot ever tolerate misuse or abuse. And we will ensure that our government never opens the door to the use of cloning for human reproduction. It is dangerous, profoundly wrong, and has no place in our society, or any society.

I agree with the President that cloning for human reproduction (like human cloning for other purposes) is "profoundly wrong", but I am not sure how "science" supplies this moral conclusion.  (That is, I am sure that it does not.)  Why, exactly, is it profoundly wrong?  Presumably, there is a reason -- and, again, it is not "science" that is supplying that reason.  Why, in a statement that insists the autonomy and integrity of science, does the President think it is appropriate to lecture scientists that what many people believe is a fascinating new research frontier is "profoundly wrong", and has "no place in our society, or any society." 

A friend offered this explanation to me, when I asked why it was alright for a "keep politics out of science" Administration to proceed in this way:

Because that’s not a “political judgment.”  It’s a moral judgment.  And you see, when a Catholic says that cloning is “gravely wrong,” and he disagrees with Pres. Obama on stem cell research, he’s making a religious judgment that has no place in government.  And when a non-Catholic says that cloning is “gravely wrong,” well if the non-Catholic disagrees with Obama on stem cell research, that’s a “political judgment” and an intrusion of “politics” into “science.”  But when a non-Catholic says that cloning is “gravely wrong,” well if the non-Catholic agrees with Obama on stem cell research, that’s a “moral judgment” which is important for science to respect, because very deeply felt by Obama and only those who agree with him.  And when a Catholic says that cloning is “gravely wrong,” well if the Catholic agrees with Obama on stem cell research, then that’s a “moral judgment” made by a man or woman of faith attuned to the complexities of the mystery of existence and the heart of liberty important for science to respect. . . .

The President concludes with this:

 

There is no finish line in the work of science. The race is always with us -- the urgent work of giving substance to hope and answering those many bedside prayers, of seeking a day when words like "terminal" and "incurable" are finally retired from our vocabulary. . . .

Thank you, God bless you, and may God bless America.

Wow.

The Connecticut proposal and the Freedom of the Church

The "Freedom of the Church" idea (for more, try this) is the subject of Prof. Howard Wasserman's very interesting post, at Prawfsblawg, on the Connecticut proposal.  Check it out.

Sunday, March 8, 2009

Follow-up on the (shockingly) unconstitutional Connecticut proposal

Fr. Araujo has already brought our attention to the proposed Bill 1098, which strikes me as reaching Alien & Sedition Acts-levels of obvious unconstitutionality.  Bishop Lori's statement in opposition is here; Bishop Mansell's is here.

This is serious business.  Sometime similar was tried in Massachusetts, a few years ago, as this op-ed by John Garvey reminds us:

But it is not the government's business to take sides in internal church disputes. You can imagine a legal system where it does. British courts supervise the way churches use their members' money. But the Church of England is controlled by the government. Our First Amendment forbids any such arrangement. When we talk about separation of church and state, this is what we mean -- that it is none of the state's business to say how churches are run.

Pressure on the Church—yet again

 

 

On this past Friday, March 6, 2009, a bill was introduced into the Connecticut General Assembly, Raised Bill No. 1098, that would modify corporate laws relating to certain religious corporations. The bill can be viewed HERE . The title of the bill is somewhat misleading in that this proposal concerns only the Roman Catholic Church. This becomes clear when the statement of purpose of the bill is examined: “To revise the corporate governance provisions applicable to the Roman Catholic Church and provide for the investigation of the misappropriation of funds by religious (i.e., Catholic) corporations.” In a nutshell, I do not believe that the Connecticut General Assembly nor, for that matter, any other civil or secular authority has the competence to make, let alone revise, the governance, corporate or otherwise, of the Roman Catholic Church.

 

In past postings on the Mirror of Justice, I have addressed efforts by the Massachusetts legislature to pressure the Church. Although those efforts have subsided and not materialized in legislative regulation of the Church, for the time being, the Judiciary Committee of the Connecticut General Assembly has decided to amend legislation that currently enables a corporation to be established in any parish or congregation thereby leading, in my estimation, to the ability to pressure the Church in Connecticut. While the purposes of such a corporation under the existing law, Section 33-279, are not specified, it is clear the bishop, the vicar-general, and the pastor of the parish are ex officio members of the corporation as the law now currently reads. In turn, they appoint annually two lay members of the corporation, candidates being taken from the lay members of the parish or congregation. Of these five members, three constitute a quorum, and a quorum must include at least one of the two lay members.

 

The new bill would dramatically alter the constitution of the corporation which a bishop may decide is the proper organization for a particular parish or congregation. First of all, it would establish a board of directors consisting of no less than seven and no more than thirteen lay members. These directors would be elected by the lay members of the parish at an annual meeting. The bishop, but not the vicar-general or the pastor, would serve as an ex officio member of the board of directors without a right to vote. The pastor and vicar-general would not be able to serve on the board and would have no voice in the activities of the board. The board created by the revised legislation would owe a fiduciary duty to the corporation and the members of the congregation but not to the bishop. The new legislation would drive a wedge between the pastor and bishop by requiring the pastor to report to the corporation, not the bishop, on matters financial and administrative since the board rather than the pastor or bishop would control budgets, manage assets, and oversee all financial affairs. In short, the Connecticut legislative proposal does not take account of provisions of Part II, Section II, Title III, Chapter VI of the Code of Canon Law; moreover, it is clear that the Connecticut bill would potentially conflict with a number of substantive provisions of the Church’s law regarding the relationship between pastors and parishes with the office of bishop. Another problematic element of the bill would authorize the board to develop “outreach programs and other services to be provided to the community” without any mention that such activities must comport to Catholic teachings.

 

It has been suggested by some commentators that this legislative proposal is in response to misappropriation of parish assets by members of the clergy without mentioning theft by non-ordained religious and members of the laity. However, I wonder if this is the intention of this bill given the fact that clergy, religious, and laity who have been responsible for the wrongful conversion of church assets in the past are currently subject to the existing laws that address these abuses. One reason for my stating this is the bill’s incorporation of Section 33-1036 conferring on the lay directors the expansive general powers of corporations that include buying and selling properties (which can constitute an alienation of property regulated by Canon 1291 and other provisions of the Code of Canon Law) and entering into contracts (which is governed by the Code of Canon Law including Canon 1290). Section 33-1306 authorizes many other activities of a civil corporation which have the realistic potential for conflicting with other provisions of the Code of Canon Law since the authorization conferred by this bill would enable the lay directors of the incorporated congregation or parish to:

 

·        enter a wide variety of financial ventures;

·        enter into various enterprises and relationships with secular entities;

·        transact “any lawful activity that will aid government policy” [which presumably could include activities that conflict with Church teachings];

·        establish conditions for admission of members, admitting members, and regulating membership in the parish [this is a serious challenge to the rites of Christian initiation and regulation of the sacraments by competent Church authorities];

·        and the list goes on…

 

From my perspective, the bill possesses the objective, whether intended or not, of interfering with Church governance as the Church requires it under its own law. Another objective may well be one designed to put pressure on the Church by one or a small group of individuals. For example, new section 3 of the bill would empower anyone—meaning even those who did not contribute the gift and those who have nothing to do with the parish—who has “reason to believe that monetary contributions to a corporation… (i.e., parish or congregation) are being misappropriated and not being used for the purpose for which they were given may report that belief to the Attorney General.” Of course, the Attorney General is authorized to investigate and take whatever action is deemed necessary by the AG.

 

I doubt whether this legislation could pass the Constitutional muster of the First Amendment since it contains many provisions that would interfere with the free exercise of Catholicism. But my more fundamental question concentrates on who is responsible for this bill and what are their objectives for promoting it? Regarding the latter part of the second question, I wonder if the objective is to destroy the Church and this proposal is a trial canter to see how proposals of this nature will fare.

 

 

RJA sj

 

 

Saturday, March 7, 2009

Lenten Music

Rob and Mark haven't complained about Catholic church music in quite a while.  But I presume they still don't like it.  Here's an antidote, a Lenten gift from the Vatican, avaible through their Lenten web site.

Vatican Offers Internet Lenten Music

VATICAN CITY, MARCH 6, 2009 (Zenit.org).- The Holy See is offering online sacred music to help people worldwide to live this Lent with a spirit of prayer and reflection.

In a special Lenten section of the Vatican Web site, one can listen to liturgical hymns performed by the Musical Chorus of the Sistine Chapel, which for centuries has interpreted music for the Pope's liturgical celebrations. It is directed by Monsignor Giuseppe Liberto, and the oldest choir of its genre.

The site offers five Lenten hymns with lyrics and music, including "M'invochera e Io L'esaudiro" and "Signore, Il Tuo Mostrami Volto."

It also offers passages interpreted by the Pontifical Institute of Sacred Music in Rome, a scientific and academic institution founded by the Holy See, directed by Monsignor Valenti Miserachs Grau.