Mirror of Justice

A blog dedicated to the development of Catholic legal theory.
Affiliated with the Program on Church, State & Society at Notre Dame Law School.

Tuesday, July 8, 2008

Whose Judgment Sucks?

It's one thing to say something to this effect:  "I disagree with you; here's why I stand where I do on the issue, rather than where you stand."

It's another thing to say something to this effect:  "I disagree with you; moreover, your judgment sucks:  No faithful Catholic in his or her right mind could agree with you." 

As I read it, Hadley Arkes's statement falls into the latter category, not the former.  (Arkes says of Kmiec and Kaveny that they have "a scheme of judgment with no sense of moral weighting or discrimination.")

Arkes seems to me to discount the complexity of the issue--the issue being, what public policy regarding abortion is optimal for us in the United States, at this time, all things considered.  (I agree with Rick that this should be a question for state legislatures, not for the U.S. Supreme Court.)  It is, alas, a too familiar phenomenon:  one's intellectual and moral self-confidence preventing one from seeing the complexity of a moral, including a political-moral, issue.  Who among us has not been there?  As a Minnesota poet has written (and sung):  "I was so much older then; I'm younger than that now."

Hadley Arkes on Obama, Catholics, Kmiec, and Caveny

At "The Catholic Thing," Hadley Arkes posted his column, "Political Distraction Among Catholics."  It is well worth reading the whole thing.  He expresses, much more eloquently than I could, my thoughts on the subject.   Here is a bit: 

Is it a certain madness, a certain distraction of mind, induced by the sudden onset of summer heat? The polls in early June find Barack Obama notably behind among Evangelicals and whites, but--wonder of wonders--actually holding a slight edge, of a point or two, among Catholics.

Some of our readers know that I was associated with the drafting of the “most modest first step of all on abortion,” the bill to preserve the life of the child who survived an abortion. It was called, in that awful legislative style, the Born-Alive Infants’ Protection Act. When it finally passed the Congress in 2002, not a single Democrat in Congress voted in opposition. But Barack Obama, as a Senator in Illinois, actually led the opposition to the comparable measure in that state, and as the chairman of a legislative committee managed to kill it. How does one explain then this close division among Catholics, with a tilt actually in his favor? And what is the worse account: that most Catholics in the country simply do not know about his radical, pro-abortion position, or that American Catholics by now have heard about Obama’s position, and they don’t especially care?

The latter account would surely mark the graver state of affairs. And the signs seem to be pointing in that direction, as seen in the positions reported recently for two prominent Catholic academics, both thoughtful, sensible people, moving in those circles I move in myself. Douglas Kmiec, a good friend, had been Dean of the Law School at Catholic University and Cathleen Kaveny, is a professor of law at Notre Dame. Kmiec joined a meeting of Catholics with Obama and pronounced him a “natural for the Catholic vote.” Kmiec became persuaded that Obama, radically pro-choice, would nevertheless be open to serious measures for “reducing the number of abortions.” Kaveny could hardly be unaware of Obama’s position on abortion, and yet she thinks that other parts of Obama’s program would fit a Catholic vision--most notably, "ending the unjust war in Iraq, providing decent jobs, ensuring affordable health care for all, and working for comprehensive immigration reform."

On the matter of reducing the number of abortions, …

As for the matter of “balancing” abortion with other issues, …

* * *

To put things on the same plane, in that way is to betray a scheme of judgment with no sense of moral weighting or discrimination. Doug Kmiec and Cathy Kaveny share the vocation of teaching, but from either angle they would teach their fellow Catholics now that the central concern for the taking of innocent life is no longer, in the scale of things, that much more important than anything else. Even the most thoughtful among us may not always get things right, and at those times the office of friendship may be to call our friends to their better judgment.

HT:  Bill Saunders

Hitchens, waterboarding, and torture

So, as any consumer -- whatever his or her views -- of social and political commentary knows, Christopher Hitchens can be very frustrating.  He can be (I think) right on, he can be horribly, horribly wrong.  Here, at First Things, Ryan Anderson has posted an excerpt from Hitchens's recent essay waterboarding, specifically, his own experience of being waterboarded.

I've expressed, on this and other blogs, both my unreserved assent to the proposition that "torture" is immoral, and my frustration with what I see as the tendency, in some quarters, to skate too quickly past (what seems to me to be) the hard issue of identifying what, exactly, we are talking about.  That said, Hitchens is confident, anyway, that we *are* talking about waterboarding.  He states fairly the other view:

The team who agreed to give me a hard time in the woods of North Carolina belong to a highly honorable group. This group regards itself as out on the front line in defense of a society that is too spoiled and too ungrateful to appreciate those solid, underpaid volunteers who guard us while we sleep. These heroes stay on the ramparts at all hours and in all weather, and if they make a mistake they may be arraigned in order to scratch some domestic political itch. Faced with appalling enemies who make horror videos of torture and beheadings, they feel that they are the ones who confront denunciation in our press, and possible prosecution. As they have just tried to demonstrate to me, a man who has been waterboarded may well emerge from the experience a bit shaky, but he is in a mood to surrender the relevant information and is unmarked and undamaged and indeed ready for another bout in quite a short time. When contrasted to actual torture, waterboarding is more like foreplay. No thumbscrew, no pincers, no electrodes, no rack. Can one say this of those who have been captured by the tormentors and murderers of (say) Daniel Pearl? On this analysis, any call to indict the United States for torture is therefore a lame and diseased attempt to arrive at a moral equivalence between those who defend civilization and those who exploit its freedoms to hollow it out, and ultimately to bring it down. I myself do not trust anybody who does not clearly understand this viewpoint.

Still, he concludes:

I apply the Abraham Lincoln test for moral casuistry: “If slavery is not wrong, nothing is wrong.” Well, then, if waterboarding does not constitute torture, then there is no such thing as torture.

Worth a read, I think.  (Even if he is way-wrong when it comes to Mother Teresa, God, and the like.)

Berg's Response to Kaveny on Funding and Religious Hiring

Since I'm not down the hall from Cathy in South Bend, I'll respond at greater length to her arguments for excluding from funding private programs that consider religion in hiring.

Among her key premises is that allowing religion-based hiring serves only the purpose of "mak[ing] religious groups flourish," whereas the purpose of funding is "to partner with them in enacting limited purpose programs demonstrated to make the community as a whole flourish."  But the argument for religious-hiring rights in funding includes a significant component of institutional pluralism.  Allowing funding recipients flexibility in this matter would serve the community by allowing a broader range of organizations, bringing a broader range of community contacts and strategies for addressing needs, to partner with the government.  Obama's speech appeals to institutional pluralism, asserting the need to have "all hands on deck" in attacking social problems through a "bottom up" approach.  But because of the hiring-rights issue, his proposal is likely to drive away the majority of evangelical hands, as the negative reaction of the very moderate evangelical leader Rich Cizik in last week's Times suggests.  And his proposal is top-down to the extent that it supports only one model of religious engagement in social services -- the ecumenical one where, in Cathy's terms, religion is not "relevant to the job" of working in the soup kitchen.

Continue reading

Monday, July 7, 2008

More on Obama's proposal . . .

Well, like Cathy says, we disagree.  Because we have the luxury of being able to hash things like this out in real space — i.e., lovely South Bend — I’ll just say that (a) I don’t see the relevance of the Goodling / DOJ-hiring business to the question whether religious freedom is well served by requiring religious social-welfare organizations that receive some public funds to comply with non-discrimination laws (certainly, no one, in any Administration, should break the laws that govern the filling of non-political DOJ jobs), and (b) I don’t see why the fact that, for some religious organizations, the no-discrimination-in-services rule would be burdensome lessens the threat posed to religious freedom by the proposed no-discrimination-in-hiring rule.

The Plot Thickens: Cathleen Kaveny Responds to Tom Berg and Rick Garnett on Obama's Faith-Based Initiative Proposal

[I lifted this from dotCommonweal.]

Rick and Tom, I obviously don’t agree with you on the inappropriateness of a non-discrimination clause in hiring for faith-based /community partnerships of the sort contemplated here.

Preliminary Matters

First, the question of what counts as unacceptable “discrimination” is key, as several commentators have already pointed out. If what is at stake is articulating the message of the religious group, describing the intersection of the faith and the soup kitchen, that’s one thing –it’s relevant to the job. If it’s actually working in the soup kitchen, that’s something else. Am willing to give religious organizations carte blanche in determining when and where faith is relevant–no, not if they receive public funds.

Second, I think it needs to be emphasized that however they are interpreted, the non-discrimination requirements only apply to this program=—not to all aspects of a church’s life.. Ideally, the program could be incorporated separately as a 501(c)(3); I suppose it need not be if the accountants can keep the financial lines sufficiently distinct.

Third, I think it’s important to keep in mind that the purpose of this particular program is not primarily to make religious groups flourish, but to partner with them in enacting limited purpose programs demonstrated to make the community as a whole flourish –it’s a secular purpose, with secular understood not as “anti-religious” but as not encompassing other-worldly goals, means, or objectives.

Fourth, to the extent that it’s relevant, I think the analogy to Planned Parenthood and environmental groups points against employment discrimination, rather than justifying it. Planned Parenthood cares that you support abortion rights; it doesn’t care about the underlying philosophy or worldview that leads you to support abortion rights. Anti-animal cruelty groups care that you don’t support cruelty to animals; they don’t care whether you think animals matter because they think, or because they feel, or because they are made in the image and likeness of God. Environmental groups care that you care about the environment, they don’t generally care whether it’s because you think the world will go to hell in a handbasket if we don’t care about it, or whether it’s because you think the environment is the world spirit. And so a publicly sponsored Soup Kitchen centrally ought to care that its workers believed the hungry should be fed, and not worry so much about whether it is because of God’s command, the requirements of natural law, or the demands of religious brotherhood.

Broader Context

It’s interesting to me that the debate is focused only on religious discrimination in hiring–that’s where people like Rick and Tom see the insult to religious groups. In fact, however, if you actually commit yourself to the perspective of particular religions, discrimination in services, as well as proselytizing, will likely be justified as well, and possibly be seen as more justified than discrimination on the basis of hiring.

Many religious groups believe that they have an obligation to give preference to the members of their faith in performing works of charity. Friends of mine who are scholars in Islam say, for example, that the Muslim brotherhood takes priority in extending help to the needy. One has a religiously based obligation to help one’s brothers and sisters in the faith before one helps others. Moreover, there is a strong strand in Thomistic thought about the appropriate priority in alms-giving; it was used and can easily still be used, to justify giving to other Catholics who are needy before giving to non-Catholics.

Moreover, it’s extremely consonant with the Christian tradition to hold that the only way that one can improve one’s life is to be struck by the grace of God. Proselytizing, in this view, is a way of preparing the way for God’s grace, without which no one can hope to turn one’s life around. In Thomistic thought, prayer is the highest form of secondary causality. From a Catholic theological world view, a monastery dedicated to praying for peace and justice may very well be the most effective way to achieve peace and justice.

In contrast, the religious affiliation of those who cooperate in the corporal works of mercy may be relatively unimportant to the mission. One does not need to be a believer to distribute food, clothing, and blankets to the needy. Rich religious believers –of all stripes-regularly had their slaves and servants perform the actual physical labor. In theological terms, one could see the ability to perform the services involved in the corporal works of mercy are likely “graces freely given,” not the graces that make us pleasing to God, following St. Paul and St. Thomas.

Am I saying, then, that religious groups ought to be able evangelize or to discriminate on the basis of services? Absolutely not. I am saying however, that distinguishing between hiring to perform services, on the one hand, and proselyting and distributing services, on the other, may not make a whole lot of sense from many theological perspectives. So merely keeping the focus on justifying discrimination in hiring does not, in my view, constitute taking the religious perspective seriously on its own terms.

As I said however, these are secular programs–they are designed to advance well-being on this earth, not in the next realm. /e are conscripting people’s money ==the money of taxpayers of all faiths and none — in order to fund these programs and partnerships. What can they legitimately expect? I think they –we–have an interest in insuring our funds are used both effectively (in a measurable way) and consonantly with our values. Here, the no proselytizing and no discrimination in provision of services rules become important. But in my view, so does the no discrimination in hiring rule as well, for two reasons. First, it has an impact on the efficient delivery of benefits. Why should a taxpayer want to support a less qualified job counselor than a more qualified job counselor, merely on the basis of religious belief? Clearly, hostility to the beliefs of one’s clients would be a legitimate factor in hiring. But does sharing those beliefs, in and of itself, count as a qualification? Maybe it does. But I want to hear the argument–. If it does, then religion is a BFOQ. Second, the job itself is a substantial benefit–it confers participation and status in the community. In many programs, much of the taxpayer generated money may be dedicated to hiring personnel. So distributing jobs has to be done in a way that’s consonant with the broader secular (again, not anti-religious) thrust of the program.

Needless to say, and to say again, we need to define impermissible discrimination carefully, to take into account cases where religious belief is relevant as a bona fide job qualification. But I do not think a blanket exception to the rule of anti-discrimination is either required or a good idea here.

Part of this is a prudential judgment about where the dangers to the common good are. The recent history of the faith based programs under President Bush does not make religious believers as a class come out looking as if they are the best judges of when and how religious belief ought to be relevant. Another is the scandal–and I think that word is not too strong –of evangelicals and conservative Catholics too(?) — in the Justice Department considering faith as a job qualification when it was clearly illegal to do so. Monica Gooding’s story is relevant, here I think.

So too, Rick, is the saga of Esther Slater MacDonald, an alumna of Notre Dame Law School, who mixed religion and conservative politics at the Justice Department. http://tpmmuckraker.talkingpointsmemo.com/2008/06/who_is_esther_slater_mcdonald.php

This recent history of religiously committed actors in the Bush administration suggests that there is in fact, a very good reason to be as worried about religious overreaching as secular overreaching in the public square. We need to choose a judicious middle path.

So I think it is reasonable, particularly in light of these clear abuses, for Americans to demand more accountability from religious groups participating in faith based partnerships. I am, because of them, far more comfortable going back to the pre-Bush regulations than I would have been had they not occurred.

What is the difference between a Catholic and a Protestant?

Sightings 6/30/08

More Pew Findings
-- Martin E. Marty

In this business and with pleasure one cannot not comment on the Pew Forum on Religion and Public
Life surveys. They are the most ambitious and expansive polls and draw the most public attention.
Chancy as all opinion polls are, these Pew products provide at least some broad-brush understandings
of the subject. In the nature of things, press releases lift out and slightly exaggerate evidences of trends
in the face of so much continuity in American religion. For example, last winter we were told that there is much "switching" from one church community to another, which is true—but when historians checked in we also learned that there has long, perhaps always, been much of such.

This time the "key finding" is that Americans are very religious, but they are seldom dogmatic and often
quite tolerant, improvising adaptations in their own belief systems right under the noses of church
authorities. Let me point to one finding that does represent change from the way things were fifty years
ago, when Protestant-Catholic gaps and conflicts still made news and were worrisome to many. (Then
along came President John and Pope John and the Council and ecumenism and grass-roots changes.)
My thesis or hypothesis is reconfirmed: Catholic growth (thanks to mainly Mexican immigration) and
decline in clergy numbers aside, Catholicism and Mainline Protestantism are pretty much in the same
boat sociologically—and increasingly, theologically.

The Pew people graph sixteen responses by the two communities to opinion questions. At most four
percentage points separate Catholic numbers from Mainline Protestants on all but four issues. The only
wide separation is on legal abortion, with only thirty-two percent of the M.P.s thinking it should almost
always be illegal and, I am tempted to repeat, "only" forty-five percent of Catholics thinking the same.
Minorities in both think that "homosexuality is a way of life that should be discouraged by society" but—
hold on!—here thirty-four percent of mainline Protestants say so, and only thirty percent of Catholics. A
waning issue?

We learn that far below one hundred percent agree with long-cherished and nurtured church teachings
when we find that eighty-five percent of Mainliners and seventy-nine percent of Catholics agree that
"many religions can lead to eternal life" and eighty-two percent of M.P.s and seventy-seven percent of
Catholics agree that "there is more than one way to interpret the teachings of my religion." The news
releases say that this proves that multi-religious America is "non-dogmatic" or, in terms of critics, that the adherents are wishy-washy and that they water down their faiths. (Evangelical figures suggest more
firmness—fifty-seven and fifty-three percent—on these two indicators. Aren't they low? Leaders are
impressed or depressed by this sagging among evangelical members.)

Yes, the half-empty glass approach finds evidence of superficiality in figures like these. Yet, in the halffull view, so many citizens do care about their teachings' way of leading to eternal life that they must be doing some improvising. They don't stop believing, but they do stop persecuting or degrading or
snubbing. In the depth of the beliefs of most of the religions the main and final theme is "shalom" or
"reconciliation" or "peace" or other positives. The problems have come in when their adherents have
obscured such messages by turning exclusive and absolutist, taking on the presumed business of the
loving and judging God to whom they witness, by putting their main energies into ruling others out. They
are sending dogmatists, exegetes, rule-book- and score-book-keepers back to the books to come up with
reinterpretations that encourage faithfulness but discourage sending "others" to hell.

"Ministers, Minimum Wages, and Church Autonomy"

For those interested in the legal issues about religious organizational freedom (or "freedom of the church," or "church autonomy," etc.), I have a short piece in Engage, a Federalist Society-published journal.  It focuses on a recent one of Judge Posner's opinions, which are typically fun to read (and read about!).

From "pro-choice atheist to pro-life Catholic"

An interesting story, in America magazine:

When I would come across Catholic Web sites or books that asserted “Life begins at conception,” I would scoff, as was my habit, yet I found myself increasingly uncomfortable with my defense. I realized that my criteria for determining when human life begins were distressingly vague. I was putting the burden of proof on the fetuses to demonstrate to me that they were human, and I was a tough judge. I found myself looking the other way when I heard about things like the 3-D ultrasounds that showed fetuses touching their faces, smiling and opening their eyes at ages at which I still considered abortion acceptable. As modern technology revealed more and more evidence that fetuses were humans too, I would simply move the bar for what I considered human.

At some point I started to feel I was more determined to remain pro-choice than to analyze honestly who was and was not human.

This post of mine, at Prawfsblawg -- and the comments -- connects pretty well with the America story, by the way.

Sunday, July 6, 2008

Time Magazine Poll: Catholics on the Presidential Race and Other Issues

Time reports its new poll showing McCain at 45 percent among Catholics, Obama at 44.  However, according to the fuller survey account, McCain leads 42 to 31 in terms of "firm support," while Obama leads 49 to 11 in terms of "leaning support."  So it appears that Obama is catching up but has more work to do, and the situation is fluid because there are lots of undecideds.  Non-surprises in the poll: McCain is closer to Catholic voters' views on "so-called values issues, such as abortion and gay marriage," while Obama is seen as "best [a]ble to handle the economy."  A surprise: McCain is seen as "most comfortable talking about his religious beliefs."  There's an accompanying story featuring Doug Kmiec.

The full survey (again, here) includes some interesting results concerning Catholics' views on various issues.  It also reports that 86 percent "give Pope Benedict XVI a favorable job rating."