Mirror of Justice

A blog dedicated to the development of Catholic legal theory.
Affiliated with the Program on Church, State & Society at Notre Dame Law School.

Thursday, March 6, 2008

My daughter's "controversial GLBT curriculum"

This morning when I dropped my daughter off at school, a woman handed me a flyer alerting me that a "controversial GLBT curriculum" is coming to the Minneapolis public schools next year, and that I need to make my voice heard at a meeting scheduled for tonight.  The curriculum, the flyer informs me, is designed to develop "new understandings of the diversity of families," to teach students that there are no "wrong" families, to facilitate discussion of the harmful effects of stereotyping about sexual orientation and gender roles, and to help students gain an awareness of families with two moms or two dads.

As a Catholic parent, am I supposed to object to this curriculum and if so, on what basis?  My children do not believe -- nor would I want them to believe -- that there are "wrong" families.  There are some family structures that are more conducive to the flourishing of children (two-parent, namely), but does that reality mean that we shouldn't teach our children to be welcoming toward single-parent or same-sex-parent families?  And does anyone dispute that stereotypes about sexual orientation and gender have harmful effects?

More fundamentally, though, my daughters would not blink twice at the notion that families headed by same-sex couples can be healthy and nurturing.  Their own life experience confirms as much, as same-sex couples have been part of their lives for as long as they can remember, and they have seen up close how those parent-child relationships function.  For me to suggest to them that Susie's family is "wrong" because Susie has two moms would be much more troubling and jolting for them than to read a book portraying a same-sex couple in positive terms.

I'd compare it to our debates about race in this country.  I had never heard my second-grader refer to a person's race until the last few weeks when she picked up on conversations about Barack Obama being the first African-American President.  Until then, race wasn't even on her radar screen.  Her schools and friendships have always been racially diverse, and so her perception of race's relevance is shaped by her relationships with real people.  In the same way, her perception of sexual orientation's relevance is shaped by her relationships with real people.  It hasn't been an issue for her.  Not having a school curriculum reflecting her experience of the world would be more jolting, I would think, than having a "controversial GLBT curriculum."  And I imagine that will be the case for more and more children as gays and lesbians become more open and more prominent in our society.

Nun Threatened with Deportation

My student, Ash Mayfield, brought the following to my attention.

Jim Roberts of KTBS reports:

"Sister Cristina Angelini has been called the heart and soul of Shreveport's Renzi Center, an early child development center run by the Catholic church.

But the federal government might be getting ready to tear that heart out. In a country where there are millions of illegal aliens -- and a shortage of Catholic sisters -- the feds are threatening to make her leave and return to her native Italy.

Exactly why, the government couldn't tell KTBS News today. It might be a bureaucratic mixup.

Sister Cristina got a letter from the government last week, telling her she must leave the U.S. by the end of the month.

She had applied to extend her visa and thought she was approved.

 

Then the letter from immigration officials arrived.

"I was very shocked and confused," Sister Cristina said today. "I don't know why this happened."

Angelini would not discuss specifics pending a conference with immigration officials later this week. But the reason for the deportation could have something to do with Hurricane Katrina and delays in processing her paperwork at immigration's New Orleans office.

But she and her lawyer are having a hard time maneuvering through the government's red tape."

For the full story, click here.

More on Hagee

So -- following up on Michael's post -- I think that John Hagee is loathesome.  (How could a Roman Catholic not?)  And, I blogged a few months ago about the "troubling" fact that Gov. Huckabee (who, at the time, many Catholics seemed to find attractive) had no problem hanging out with Hagee, whom I called a "virulent and ignorant anti-Catholic polemicist" (which he is) who needs to get the word about "Catholics and Evangelicals Together."  So, I certainly would rather Sen. McCain steer clear of him, too.

That said, two thoughts.  First, let's be real:  No one is going to insist that Sen. Obama disavow or condemn all of his prominent supporters -- I'm sure there are many -- who believe that the Catholic Church is a force for evil and . or a den of lunatics.  So, the "McCain must disavow" business seems a bit opportunistic.  (Again, I think he should distance himself from Hagee.)  Everyone knows that McCain is not anti-Catholic (just like everyone knows that Obama does not hate Jews).

Next, no one should demand that candidates disavow supporters who believe that the Catholic Church's teachings are false.  After all, this is what non-Catholics believe.  If they didn't, one assumes they would be Catholics.  To me, Hagee's anti-Catholic views are not (given that he is a Protestant minister) as objectionable as the anti-Semitic and other racialist views of, say, Louis Farrakhan.  (My understanding is that there is nothing about being a Muslim that requires one to be a racialist or to traffic in anti-Jewish conspiracy theories.) 

Continue reading

Wednesday, March 5, 2008

More on McCain and Hagee

Check this out, at dotCommonweal.

Evangelicals and the Choice Among McCain, Clinton, and Obama

Check out what David Skeel has to say, here.

B.C. Controversy

I'm not certain this is a complete answer to Richard's question, but the Boston Globe article about the Mukasy decision includes the following explanation from Dean John Garvey:

Garvey said the decision to deny Mukasey the Founder's Medal predated the controversy over his choice as commencement speaker and was not directed at the attorney general personally.

In an effort to depoliticize the selection process, the school will no longer award the medal to commencement speakers, he said.

"This is a policy decision that will make it easier for us to invite people of his prominence in the future," Garvey said.

He said that inviting high-profile figures with well-known public views will invariably spur debate and that divorcing their selection from the school's highest honor will allow greater latitude in attracting noteworthy speakers.

honoring political figures: another controversy at BC

I understand that there has been a lot of controversy at Boston College law school about honoring Attorney General Mukasey. As I understand things, Mukasey will be the commencement speaker at the law school's graduation ceremony but he won't receive the Founder's Medal, which has typically been awarded to commencement speakers.

I don't have a problem with the decision not to give Mukasey the award. I think it is a good thing that (Catholic) schools pay close attention to the people they honor. I don't think that Catholic schools should honor people who have views that are in conflict with authoritative Church teaching on important moral issues. I understand, though, that recent recipients of the Founder's Medal have included pro-choice politicians. Why should BC honor politicians with those records (e.g., a 100% NARAL rating) and not honor Mukasey?

Maybe someone who knows the facts here could provide some additional information.

Richard M.

More on Health Care

One MOJ reader had this to say on my posts (here and here) about the goal of affordable access to healthcare and the question of republican commitment to that goal:

"With respect, I believe Republicans are making that argument but from a different perspective about what government's role is and should be.  Except for the most radical libertarians, right-wingers in general know that government has a role in health care policy.  However, that role is not active role in that it does not seek to displace the free-market but to protect it and help it grow and stay competitive.   Indeed, Republicans argue that current government policy is at least partially to blame for the rising costs of health care.  The tax code almost mandates coverage through one's employer which reduces the incentive for individuals to minimize costs because "someone else" is paying for it.  Moreover, this depresses wages because employers "pay" through health benefits instead of through higher salaries.  This is inefficient because if the employee had to purchase his or her own insurance through their weekly paycheck they'd have that incentive to keep costs low and avoid unnecessary procedures.  Another area in which governmental policies hurts is that individuals are restricted to buying health insurance in their own state, thus reducing the competitive forces of the free market which help keep costs down and quality up.

"John McCain made this point in a short paragraph in his speech yesterday after locking up the Republican Nomination: 'I will leave it to my opponent to propose returning to the failed, big government mandates of the sixties and seventies to address problems such as the lack of health care insurance   for some Americans. I will campaign to make health care more accessible to more Americans with reforms that will bring down costs in the health care industry down without ruining the quality of the world's best medical care.'

"I don't think its fair to fault Republicans for not addressing government's role in health care simply because most believe that role is as an enabler of the free-market and not as a single-payer system through a vast government bureaucracy.

"As a quick aside, I think your last emailer hit the nail on the head.  We could have "affordable" health care for all tomorrow by simply reducing the quality of care to such levels that everyone, even the most indigent, could afford it.  That is undesirable for obvious reasons.  The trick is how do we maintain high-quality care while keeping costs down.  Democratic proposals ignore this important distinction and focus on "coverage" for all as if "coverage" is the ultimate goal; it is not.  The goal is quality care for as many people as is possible.  Experiences in similarly-situated nations like Canada and England demonstrate that government-run health care is a nightmare and reduces the quality of coverage for everyone involved.  In those cases, only the ultra-rich get good coverage because they can afford to go out of country or patronize the few private healthcare providers that still exist. 

"Of course, there will always be a gap between the poorest in society and what the free-market can provide for.  But addressing that small gap should not come through a "universal" plan; a 1% problem does not require a 100% solution.  Instead, we should keep encouraging private charity (which does a lot of good in the health care realm already) and, if we must, use targeted government programs aimed at the truly needy who have fallen through the cracks of the good, but flawed system."

A couple of quick observations.  First, I don't think comparisons to England and Canada are helpful because neither Clinton or Obama are proposing that kind of government health insurance.  Second, I do think Obama, at least, is quite focused on the need to cut costs in order to improve access.  Third, I don't think it can fairly be said that we have a 1% problem here.  As I have explored at length in my writing, I think the system of voluntary employer-sponsored health care - very much a product of the tax code - is fundamentally a flawed system.  Finally, if McCain's quoted statement is sincere, that is wonderful.  My comment was based on the fact that I have not seen demontration of such a commitment by republicans.  Nothing would delight me more than to discover that I am simply wrong in that conclusion.

CST and Pedagogy

I really have no excuse for my long silence other than that I fell in love with an insane teaching method that gobbled up most of my January and February. 

For the first seven weeks of the semester here at Fordham I taught a one-credit mini-course in Catholic Social Thought and Economic Justice.  It’s basically a march through the economic encyclicals (from Rerum Novarum to Centestimus Annus) flanked by selections from the Ken Himes collection of commentaries, Modern Catholic Social Teaching, and further discussion of potential application of CST principles to a variety of legal, social and economic contexts.  Specific topics of discussion included the liberation theology debates, work schedules in law practice, tort law and a critique of consumer culture, and the debates about corporate social responsibility and corporate structures.  The class concluded with the question of how to communicate CST principles in a pluralistic profession. 

At the beginning of the semester I go around the room (it was an elective seminar with 16 students) to get a sense of how much exposure they have had to CST, or to Catholic teachings generally.  The answer is for the most part: very little or none at all, beyond elementary school preparation for the sacraments.  At that point I think the temptation for many of us is to find a way to “open head, pour in concepts”—to try to make up in some way for the lack of formation. 

Instead, I tried an experiment.  I decided to completely let go of my own agenda (other than that they focus on the church documents as primary texts), and let the conceptual flow for the discussion emerge from their own questions, as set out in their reaction papers and blurbs turned in 24 hrs prior to the class.  (This is where the insanity came in – the time to absorb their work prior to our class meeting, set up the discussion so that everyone would contribute, every week, followed by weekly comments on their papers in order to help them push the envelope on their conceptual development).

The result?  It was magic.  Perfect attendance.  A class dynamic that congealed almost immediately, and sparked a sustained energetic conversation throughout the seven weeks.  A sense of equality in diversity – they had very different perspectives on the material, but seemed to genuinely enjoy learning from each other.  Profound intellectual engagement with the documents and the various applications, and in many cases a capacity to appreciate the profound personal and spiritual challenges of CST.  For the Catholics in the class, I noticed that for many, even in just seven weeks, they came to claim their tradition in a pretty profound and genuine way.  As one student put it in her paper for the last class, “On my first day of work last summer, I took off my cross and put on a string of pearls, because I was afraid of what the cross might communicate.  I now think that was a mistake.” 

I will be chewing on this experience in preparation for the upcoming Religiously Affiliated Law Schools Boston College Conference panel on “Teaching Through the Lens of Faith:  Successfully Engaging Religious Issues in the Classroom” and look forward to further conversation with many of you about pedagogy and method while we are there.  Amy

Catholic Common Ground Conf on Ecclesial Movements

On a jaunt that is somewhat related to our broader project of tapping into resources for the "faith-life" connect,  I spent the weekend in Chicago at the Catholic Common Ground’s Twelfth Cardinal Bernardin Conference, which focused this year on “Understanding the Ecclesial Movements and their Interaction with the Local Church in the US Today.”  It generated an incredibly rich conversation about how to foster a better connect between local church communities and the resources that the ecclesial movements and new communities offer for formation, evangelization and building lively faith communities.  BC Theologian Robert Imbelli, also present at the conference, has noted some of the key insights, “Mysticism and Method,” over at dotCommonweal.  Amy