Michael P. reminds us that this year we observe the 40th anniversary of Paul VI’s encyclical Humanae Vitae. This encyclical reaffirmed the Catholic Church’s teaching that the unitive and procreative elements of sexual intercourse between husband and wife can not be separated; therefore, artificial methods of controlling births are illicit.
It is my understanding that Protestants and Catholics were united in their opposition to artificial birth control until the Anglicans created an exception in the 1930’s for married couples who had very grave reasons for wanting to prevent pregnancy. Within two or three generations, Protestants had largely forgotten that they ever had this in common with Catholics and many lay Catholics were ignoring their Church’s teaching.
For me, the central questions are these: Were the Protestant churches and many of the rank and file in the Catholic Church correct? Did this new understanding (especially after the technological changes that gave us the pill) of human sexuality and relationships correspond more closely to our human nature than the old understanding? Was the Magisterium of the Catholic Church merely behind the times, holding on to the past without any sound basis? Or, had humanity forgotten things that should not have been forgotten? Did the old teaching, which was preserved by the Magisterium of the Catholic Church, hold truths about the human person, human sexuality, and human relationships that should not have been discarded?
As a late Baby-boomer (born 1960) growing up in a college town, I witnessed much of the upheaval of the late 1960’s and early 1970’s, I came of age in a time of great confusion in society and fluidity in the Church, and I got married at a young age in 1981. In short, these questions were not theoretical for me but very real and concrete as I (we) struggled to understand and follow the Church’s teaching on contraception.
I must admit that the understanding came very slowly. Archbishop Chaput’s pastoral letter ten years ago on the 30th anniversary greatly helped. A more complete understanding came only in the last few years, and here I have to credit my children who encouraged me to read Karol Wojtyla’s groundbreaking work Love and Responsibility and his later work (as John Paul the Great) Man and Woman He Created Them: A Theology of the Body. (As an aside, to those of you who mistakenly think that the Catholic Church is prudish in matters sexual, take a peek at the bottom of page 272 of Love and Responsibility). What a great joy that it was my children who brought me to a fuller understanding of the Church’s beautiful teaching on marriage and human sexuality.
To conclude this post, I turn to Archbishop Chaput’s pastoral letter of a decade ago, On Human Life. The beginning paragraphs are reproduced below:
“Dear brothers and sisters in the Lord,
1. Thirty years ago this week, Pope Paul VI issued his encyclical letter Humanae Vitae (On Human Life), which reaffirmed the Church's constant teaching on the regulation of births. It is certainly the most misunderstood papal intervention of this century. It was the spark which led to three decades of doubt and dissent among many Catholics, especially in the developed countries. With the passage of time, however, it has also proven prophetic. It teaches the truth. My purpose in this pastoral letter, therefore, is simple. I believe the message of Humanae Vitae is not a burden but a joy. I believe this encyclical offers a key to deeper, richer marriages. And so what I seek from the family of our local Church is not just a respectful nod toward a document which critics dismiss as irrelevant, but an active and sustained effort to study Humanae Vitae; to teach it faithfully in our parishes; and to encourage our married couples to live it.
I. THE WORLD SINCE 1968
2. Sooner or later, every pastor counsels someone struggling with an addiction. Usually the problem is alcohol or drugs. And usually the scenario is the same. The addict will acknowledge the problem but claim to be powerless against it. Or, alternately, the addict will deny having any problem at all, even if the addiction is destroying his or her health and wrecking job and family. No matter how much sense the pastor makes; no matter how true and persuasive his arguments; and no matter how life-threatening the situation, the addict simply cannot understand -- or cannot act on -- the counsel. The addiction, like a thick pane of glass, divides the addict from anything or anyone that might help.
3. One way to understand the history of Humanae Vitae is to examine the past three decades through this metaphor of addiction. I believe the developed world finds this encyclical so hard to accept not because of any defect in Paul VI's reasoning, but because of the addictions and contradictions it has inflicted upon itself, exactly as the Holy Father warned.
4. In presenting his encyclical, Paul VI cautioned against four main problems (HV 17) that would arise if Church teaching on the regulation of births was ignored. First, he warned that the widespread use of contraception would lead to "conjugal infidelity and the general lowering of morality." Exactly this has happened. Few would deny that the rates of abortion, divorce, family breakdown, wife and child abuse, venereal disease and out of wedlock births have all massively increased since the mid-1960s.
Obviously, the birth control pill has not been the only factor in this unraveling. But it has played a major role. In fact, the cultural revolution since 1968, driven at least in part by transformed attitudes toward sex, would not have been possible or sustainable without easy access to reliable contraception. In this, Paul VI was right.
5. Second, he also warned that man would lose respect for woman and "no longer [care] for her physical and psychological equilibrium," to the point that he would consider her "as a mere instrument of selfish enjoyment, and no longer as his respected and beloved companion." In other words, according to the Pope, contraception might be marketed as liberating for women, but the real "beneficiaries" of birth control pills and devices would be men. Three decades later, exactly as Paul VI suggested, contraception has released males -- to a historically unprecedented degree -- from responsibility for their sexual aggression. In the process, one of the stranger ironies of the contraception debate of the past generation has been this: Many feminists have attacked the Catholic Church for her alleged disregard of women, but the Church in Humanae Vitae identified and rejected sexual exploitation of women years before that message entered the cultural mainstream. Again, Paul VI was right.
6. Third, the Holy Father also warned that widespread use of contraception would place a "dangerous weapon . . . in the hands of those public authorities who take no heed of moral exigencies." As we have since discovered, eugenics didn't disappear with Nazi racial theories in 1945. Population control policies are now an accepted part of nearly every foreign aid discussion. The massive export of contraceptives, abortion and sterilization by the developed world to developing countries -- frequently as a prerequisite for aid dollars and often in direct contradiction to local moral traditions -- is a thinly disguised form of population warfare and cultural re-engineering. Again, Paul VI was right.
7. Fourth, Pope Paul warned that contraception would mislead human beings into thinking they had unlimited dominion over their own bodies, relentlessly turning the human person into the object of his or her own intrusive power. Herein lies another irony: In fleeing into the false freedom provided by contraception and abortion, an exaggerated feminism has actively colluded in women's dehumanization. A man and a woman participate uniquely in the glory of God by their ability to co-create new life with Him. At the heart of contraception, however, is the assumption that fertility is an infection which must be attacked and controlled, exactly as antibiotics attack bacteria. In this attitude, one can also see the organic link between contraception and abortion. If fertility can be misrepresented as an infection to be attacked, so too can new life. In either case, a defining element of woman's identity -- her potential for bearing new life -- is recast as a weakness requiring vigilant distrust and "treatment." Woman becomes the object of the tools she relies on to ensure her own liberation and defense, while man takes no share of the burden. Once again, Paul VI was right.
8. From the Holy Father's final point, much more has flowed: In vitro fertilization, cloning, genetic manipulation and embryo experimentation are all descendants of contraceptive technology. In fact, we have drastically and naively underestimated the effects of technology not only on external society, but on our own interior human identity. As author Neil Postman has observed, technological change is not additive but ecological. A significant new technology does not "add" something to a society; it changes everything -- just as a drop of red dye does not remain discrete in a glass of water, but colors and changes every single molecule of the liquid.
Contraceptive technology, precisely because of its impact on sexual intimacy, has subverted our understanding of the purpose of sexuality, fertility and marriage itself. It has detached them from the natural, organic identity of the human person and disrupted the ecology of human relationships. It has scrambled our vocabulary of love, just as pride scrambled the vocabulary of Babel.”
Here is a excerpt of a piece by Steve Chapman in today's Chicago Tribune on the decline in abortions.
"Laws often alter attitudes, inducing people to accept things -- such as racial integration -- they once rejected. But sometimes, attitudes move in the opposite direction, as people see the consequences of the change. That's the case with abortion.
The news that the abortion rate has fallen to its lowest level in 30 years elicits various explanations, from increased use of contraceptives to lack of access to abortion clinics. But maybe the chief reason is that the great majority of Americans, even many who see themselves as pro-choice, are deeply uncomfortable with it.
In 1992, a Gallup/Newsweek poll found 34 percent of Americans thought abortion "should be legal under any circumstances," with 13 percent saying it should always be illegal. Last year, only 26 percent said it should always be allowed, with 18 percent saying it should never be permitted.
Sentiments are even more negative among the group that might place the highest value on being able to escape an unwanted pregnancy: young people. In 2003, Gallup found, one of every three kids from age 13 to 17 said abortion should be illegal in all circumstances. More revealing yet is that 72 percent said abortion is "morally wrong."
By now, pro-life groups know that outlawing most abortions is not a plausible aspiration. So they have adopted a two-pronged strategy. The first is to regulate it more closely -- with parental notification laws, informed consent requirements and a ban on partial-birth abortion. The second is to educate Americans with an eye toward changing "hearts and minds." In both, they have had considerable success.
Even those who insist Americans are solidly in favor of legal abortion implicitly acknowledge the widespread distaste. That's why the Democratic Party's 2004 platform omitted any mention of the issue, and why politicians who support abortion rights cloak them in euphemisms like 'the right to choose.'"
Saturday, January 19, 2008
Were you even born?
The Tablet
January 5, 2008
Humanae Vitae 40 years on
Elena Curti
The headline “Pope bans Pill” reverberated
around the world when Humanae
Vitae was published on 29 July
1968. Forty years on, Paul VI’s teaching against
contraception contained in his famous encyclical
is barely heeded by many Catholics
in the West.
Spain and Italy, for instance, have among
the lowest birth rates in Europe. Either the
form of natural family planning has improved
to a remarkable degree, or couples are disobeying
the Church’s edict on artificial birth
control. And it is hard to avoid the conclusion
that such wholesale disobedience has diminished
the Church’s authority.
The publication of Humanae Vitae was a
seminal moment in the modern history of the
Church. It caused a breach among Catholics
that survives to this day, and among outsiders
cemented an image of a Church out of touch
and lacking in compassion.
The latter point gained force when
HIV/Aids spread through the developing
world and the Church’s position on the use
of condoms, formally at least, remained unchanged.
The shock that greeted the encyclical was
the greater because many Catholics had expected
a reversal of the Church’s teaching. The
so-called “rhythm method” of natural family
planning had been sanctioned by Pius XII
in the 1950s. Later, many Catholics felt that
this signalled the green light for artificial birth
control, particularly the contraceptive pill,
which became available in Britain in 1962.
Hopes of reform had further been raised by
the pastoral constitution on the Church in the
modern world, Gaudium et Spes (1965), which
identified conjugal love and responsible parenthood
as the pillars of married life. But perhaps
the biggest cause for hope was the
findings of a pontifical commission on birth
control which concluded that the ban on artificial
contraception “could not be sustained
by reasoned argument”. The commission included
among its members bishops, moral
theologians and married couples. Its leaked
report was published in The Tablet in April
1967, much to the anger of Paul VI.
Paul VI deliberated for two years before publishing
Humanae Vitae. Among his principal
concerns were his fear that appearing to
reverse the teaching of previous popes would
be damaging to papal authority, a belief that
allowing the use of artificial birth control
would lead to even greater promiscuity in what
was becoming known as the “permissive society”
and that it would give encouragement
to countries that wanted to introduce controls
on population growth.
The latter two objections made their way
into the final draft of Humanae Vitae together
with a restatement of the Magisterium’s
teaching on the impossibility of separating
the unitive and procreative purposes of the
“conjugal act”. Pope Paul went on to express
his support for married couples who wished
to avoid pregnancy for “honest and serious”
reasons, though he stressed that this could
be done only using “the natural rhythms immanent
in the generative functions”. The
Church, he wrote, was absolutely certain that
“means directly contrary to fecundation”
were “always illicit”.
In what was a huge understatement, the
encyclical acknowledges that it “will perhaps
not easily be received by all”. The then editor
of The Tablet, Tom Burns, ended his leader,
headed “Crisis in the Church”, on a note of
defiance: “Loyalty to the faith and to the whole
principle of authority now consists in this:
to speak out about this disillusion of ours, not
to be silenced by fear. We who are of the household
and can think of no other have the right
to question, complain and protest, when conscience
impels,” he wrote.
Such was Paul VI’s dismay at the manner
in which his encyclical was received that he
never wrote another in the remaining 10 years
of his pontificate.
In his anti-Thompson op-ed, to which Michael linked here, Michael Gerson asked:
Should we increase the amount of money devoted to our generous cancer research efforts at the expense of African lives that can be saved for about $90 a year?
An interesting question, I think.
Now, I agree with Gerson that the United States should, for strategic and moral reasons, generously fund (effective, efficient, not-corrupt) development and health-care initiatives in Africa. And, although I support Thompson's candidacy, I'm happy to agree that it was a mistake to answer the (inappropriate?) "as a Christian, as a conservative" question about President Bush's the global AIDS initiative (for which, it seems to me, he gets little credit) the way he did (i.e., by appearing to invoke Jesus as the authority for a particular application of Thompson's limited-government philosophy).
Still, what about Gerson's question? How do and should we allocate scarce resources among competing, worthy goals? (It is not an answer, in my view, to say, "increase government's role and revenues" because, even if we do that, resources will still be scarce). Can we justify, say, our space program, or the National Gallery, or expensive carbon-output-reducing regulations, given that, for relatively little money, we could provide clean drinking water to tens of millions of children, saving them from death and disease? What criteria should we use?
And, given that we do have to have some criteria, is it as obvious as Gerson seems to think that among the criteria a Christian may employ is not a (rebuttable) presumption in favor of responding first to domestic challenges? Maybe so. (Again, I strongly support -- for both policy and moral reasons -- generous-but-careful support for poverty-relief and development efforts in poor countries.) But, if Gerson's right, then I suppose all those who support, say, labor and trade policies that put the needs of American industrial workers above the needs of workers in the developing world can expect a in-print spanking from Gerson, and a failing grade on his Christianity-test, too?
Here is a "top ten list"-style collection of the various reasons Sen. Barack Obama -- who describes here, in his "Call to Renewal" address, the importance to him of his Christian faith -- has given for his vote against the Illinois Born Alive Infant Protection Act.
New York Times
January 19, 2008
Lawyer Reveals Secret, Toppling Death Sentence
By ADAM LIPTAK
For 10 years, Leslie P. Smith, a Virginia
lawyer, reluctantly kept a secret because the authorities on legal
ethics told him he had no choice, even though his information could
save the life of a man on death row, one whose case had led to a
landmark Supreme Court decision.
Mr. Smith believed that prosecutors had committed brazen misconduct
by coaching a witness and hiding it from the defense, but the Virginia
State Bar said he was bound by legal ethics rules not to bring up the
matter. He shared his qualms and pangs of conscience with only one man,
Timothy G. Clancy, who had worked on the case with him.
“Clancy and I, when we were alone together, would reminisce about
this and more or less renew our vows of silence,” Mr. Smith told a
judge last month. “We felt that there was nothing that could be done.”
But the situation changed last year, when Mr. Smith took one more
run at the state bar’s ethics counsel. “I was upset by the conduct of
the prosecutor,” Mr. Smith wrote in an anguished letter, “and the
situation has bothered me ever since.”
Reversing course, the bar told Mr. Smith he could now talk, and he
did. His testimony caused a state court judge in Yorktown, Va., to
commute the death sentence of Daryl R. Atkins to life on Thursday,
citing prosecutorial misconduct.
________________________________________________________________________________________
What would *you* have done, in the same or a similar situation, had the state ethics counsel not reversed course? Read the rest of this interesting, troubling article, here.
Friday, January 18, 2008
I'm responding to Rick's post about the new Guttmacher numbers, which I'm sure we all agree are welcome. Apropos of our discussion before the new year about the connection between morality and legality, the LA Times (via Kevin Drum) had this nugget:
Some of the biggest drops in the abortion rate, however, have
come in states that do not impose tight restrictions. Oregon, for
instance, was rated this week by Americans United for Life as the
nation's "least pro-life state," yet its abortion rate dropped 25% from
2000 to 2005 — more than any state except Wyoming. California also was ranked hostile territory by Americans United for
Life, but its abortion rate fell 13%, significantly more than the
national average. "Abortion rate" refers to the number of abortions per
1,000 women of reproductive age.
Now, this is not exactly on point, since our discussion was about the effectiveness of prohibition and (for the moment) states are not permitted to ban abortion, but it does suggest that there's a lot of low hanging fruit out there that permit significant drops in the abortion rate without legal prohibition, or even restriction.