Mirror of Justice

A blog dedicated to the development of Catholic legal theory.
Affiliated with the Program on Church, State & Society at Notre Dame Law School.

Thursday, November 15, 2007

Heterosexual Offspring as Status Goods

Florida International law prof Jose Gabilondo has posted his new paper (to be published by one of Boston College's secondary journals), Irrational Exuberance About Babies: The Taste for Heterosexuality and Its Conspicuous Reproduction.  Here's the abstract:

Building on a behavioral economics game that I play with students in our law school's Women and the Law course, I argue for the existence of a pre-natal taste for heterosexuality in would-be parents using feminist theory and socioeconomics. I also argue that legal doctrine about heterosexual marriage and reproduction reflect and perpetuate a similar heterosexuality premium or gay discount in the context of two recent state equal protection cases - Hernandez v. Robles (N.Y. 2006) and Morrison v. Sadler (Ind. 2005) - which exclude homosexuals from marriage. I draw heavily on Pierre Bourdieu's theory of social reproduction to examine how heterosexual offspring serve as status goods for middle and upper-middle class parents. Although sympathetic to gay and lesbian scholarship and queer perspectives, my argument rejects post-modern approaches on these issues in order to ground the inquiry in more conventionally modern terms.

And here's an excerpt from the text:

What alarms me is making . . . the normative status of heterosexuality a social engineering project in need of legal subsidies, as though this majority orientation would perish but for our efforts on its behalf, and remaining in the dark about one’s role—as a heterosexual—in this dreary cycle of norm reproduction and enforcement. It is the patterned unreflectiveness of heterosexual reproduction which makes me want to grab some by the shoulders and shake them into sentience—the adults, that is, not the babies, who tragically get shaken enough as it is.  Our moral clarity about racism and anti-Semitism may one day extend to marriage discrimination. While we wait, read on for a textual contraceptive against the propagation of normative heterosexuality.

Putting aside the marriage question, norms of heterosexual reproduction could reflect "patterned unreflectiveness" and our desire for "status goods," or they could reflect the natural order -- i.e., the conditions long assumed to be necessary for society's very survival.  That possibility makes for less riveting legal scholarship, of course.

More on Utah and Voucher Funding Structures

I agree with Rick that "the case for educational choice [is] not only about competition, and not only about assisting the poor, but also about religious freedom and value-pluralism."  But I think that religious freedom and value pluralism also support skewing funding for school choice toward low- and modest-income families, or at least away from high-income families.  After all, the real-world argument for vouchers is, as Rick put it earlier, that the wealthy already are "able to exercise 'choice'" -- that is, to pursue their religious and other values through education -- "by . . .  paying for private schools," while low- and modest-income families "cannot afford [such] alternatives."  If voucher amounts are limited, modest-income families will have only limited choices among private schools -- and given limited available funding, every voucher dollar given to a high-income family is one less voucher dollar to make the religious and value choices of modest-income families possible in practice.  Put differently, all families have a right to religious freedom and educational choice, but some families have much more need than others of government assistance to pursue that right in practice, and prudent allocation of limited funds will take account of that fact.  So my inclination is to have the per-student voucher graduated according to income (as Utah's proposal did) and eliminate it above a certain income level (which Utah's proposal did not).

I don't know if Rick and I disagree in principle on this, since his argument is for providing assistance not to high-income families, but to "families who are not, strictly speaking, 'poor,' and whose public schools are not awful, and who would prefer to form their children (as is their duty) through an education that integrates faith into the process."  I agree that the interest in choice extends beyond families in failing public-school systems, and extends also to middle-class families who otherwise would find it hard to pay for choices in education.  Rick, would you in turn agree that even the interests in "religious freedom and value-pluralism" can support graduating the voucher amount by income (perhaps cutting it off above a certain level)?

Tom

Forming Consciences for Faithful Citizenship

Here's the text marked as issued by the USCCB on 11/14/07 (it looks like just the written text, which I imagine will be formatted for print shortly)  http://www.usccb.org/faithfulcitizenship/FCStatement.pdf

Homelessness and the Constitution

This new artricle is worthy of note.  (The article is not [yet] available for downloading/printing.]:

Homelessness and the Missing Constitutional Dimension of Fraternity

R. GEORGE WRIGHT
Indiana University Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)


Louisville Law Review, Forthcoming
 
Abstract:     
This Article seeks to deepen our understanding of the lack of constitutional protection against long-term involuntary homelessness. There are a number of powerful moral justifications for constitutionally addressing homelessness, but the lack of any constitutional response continues. It has been observed often that the Constitution emboides mainly negative, as opposed to positive, rights, or rights prohibiting government interference rather than rights requiring some costly government provision. But underlying this kind of explanation is the fact that our constitutional focus on rights, and on liberty and equality in particular, is actually part of the problem. Homelessness is certainly linked in various ways to lack of liberty and equality, but as the Article argues, liberty and equality carefully understood are not central to the most crucial dimensions of homelessness. Homelessness is actually more precisely a problem of lack of fraternity, or solidarity, than of liberty or equality. Our Constitution, however, follows the French Revolution slogan in emphasizing liberty and equality, but not fraternity, to the detriment of the homeless. The Article tracks the welcome but inevitably inadequate litigation on behalf of the homeless in the absence of constitutional fraternity, and considers finally some problems of implementation that are in principle resolvable in the presence of genuine fraternity.

Wednesday, November 14, 2007

New Papers by John Breen

Our former blog-colleague John Breen has posted a few new papers on SSRN.  Here is "John Paul II, the Structures of Sin, and the Limits of Law":

Nearly three years ago, Pope John Paul II passed away. Regardless of one's religious background, the late pope must be regarded as one of the most significant figures of the twentieth century. John Paul left behind an enormous record of teaching. One of the topics of the late pope's many texts is the relationship between law and culture, which this article discusses.

As someone who saw Poland ravaged by Nazism and totalitarian socialism, John Paul was aware of the need for a legal system dedicated to justice and the rule of law. Regardless of the issue, John Paul supported the use of legal mechanisms to address unjust attitudes and behaviors that assume institutional form - what he called “structures of sin.” However, John Paul knew that law subordinates culture, as every legal system is the product of culture, and suffers from serious limitations when employed to bring about social change. I use a passage from Dostoevsky's The Brothers Karamazov to introduce the pope's teaching on these matters.

Furthermore, in an article entitled Christianity and the (Modest) Rule of Law, law professors David Skeel and William Stuntz argue that law should be modest in its ambitions, as it may not be an appropriate response to many social problems. They argue that law suffers when it attempts to regulate what it cannot change – a vice they call “legal moralism.” They make these arguments from an Evangelical Christian perspective.

Although Skeel and Stuntz agree with John Paul in many respects, their analysis could have benefited from a broader engagement with the Christian intellectual tradition. They fail to appreciate the way in which law helps to form cultural norms and practices by serving a teaching function. Furthermore, Skeel and Stuntz are mistaken in identifying the legal regulation of abortion as an example of “legal moralism.”

And, here is "Modesty and Moralism:  A Reply to Steel and Stuntz":

In a recent article, Christianity and the (Modest) Rule of Law, law professors David Skeel and William Stuntz argue that American law should be modest in its ambitions. They contend that law is not an appropriate response to many social problems, including abortion. They argue that the rule of law suffers when law attempts to regulate that which it cannot change – a vice they refer to as “legal moralism.” Skeel and Stuntz make these arguments from an Evangelical Christian perspective.

This essay examines Skeel and Stuntz's ideas concerning legal modesty and legal moralism, particularly regarding abortion. I argue that their essay could have benefited from a more thorough engagement with the Christian intellectual tradition.

I also argue that Skeel and Stuntz undermine their claim that law is frequently incapable of affecting social change by relying on Gerald Rosenberg's deeply flawed discussion of abortion prior to Roe v. Wade. By relying solely on Rosenberg's book, Skeel and Stuntz ignore evidence that abortion increased following the state reform efforts of the late 1960s and early 1970s and the decision in Roe.

Many commentators have argued that law should be used in a non-coercive manner to curb the incidence of abortion through greater social assistance to women and families. I show that data indicates that these sorts of laws would have a marginal effect on the nearly 1.3 million abortions that take place each year.

Skeel and Stuntz see that culture enjoys a priority over law in influencing individuals' choices. However, they misunderstand the importance of law in shaping culture. I argue that abortion as a social problem cannot be resolved solely by legal means. Instead, law should be part an effort of cultural transformation. I offer the example of how law has worked with cultural norms in significantly reducing the incidence of drunk-driving fatalities beginning in the 1980s.

Finally, here is the Skeel and Stuntz paper that John is engaging:

Conservative Christians are often accused, justifiably, of trying to impose their moral views on the rest of the population: of trying to equate God's law with man's law. In this essay, we try to answer the question whether that equation is consistent with Christianity.

It isn't. Christian doctrines of creation and the fall imply the basic protections associated with the rule of law. But the moral law as defined in the Sermon on the Mount is flatly inconsistent with those protections. The most plausible inference to draw from those two conclusions is that the moral law - God's law - is meant to play a different role than the law of code books and case reports. Good morals inspire and teach; good law governs. When the roles are confused, law ceases to rule and discretion rules in its place. That is a lesson that many of our fellow religious believers would do well to learn: Christians on the right and on the left are too quick to seek to use law to advance their particular moral visions, without taking proper account of the limits of law's capacity to shape the culture it governs. But the lesson is not only for religious believers. America's legal system purports to honor the rule of law, but in practice it is honored mostly in the breach. One reason why is the gap between law's capacity and the ambitions lawmakers and legal theorists have for it. Properly defining the bounds of law's empire is the key to ensuring that law, not discretion, rules.

For some earlier MOJ posts on the Skeel & Stuntz paper, go here, here, and here.

McClay on cities

Yes, yes, yes!  No, I'm not re-enacting "When Harry Met Sally"; I'm linking to Wilfred McClay's essay, at First Things, called "Why Conservatives Should Care About Cities.  And yes, I realize that I probably blog too often about urbanism, "new" and otherwise.  Still, check it out:

[C]onservatism cannot be merely an attachment to certain abstract principles. It is also an attachment to real and tangible things, and to the past out of which those things, not to mention we ourselves, have emerged. Cities are, and remain, the chief places where these meanings are conserved and cultivated.

The Dems Get Theological

Consider this recent statement from Democratic National Committee chair Howard Dean (HT: Volokh):

"This country is not a theocracy," Dean said. "There are fundamental differences between the Republican Party and the Democratic Party. The Democratic Party believes that everybody in this room ought to be comfortable being an American Jew, not just an American; that there are no bars to heaven for anybody; that we are not a one-religion nation; and that no child or member of a football team ought to be able to cringe at the last line of a prayer before going onto the field."

Which is more cringe-inducing? Dean's "scream," or his abandonment of liberalism's premise that the state will remain neutral on the truth claims of religion?

New Paper by MOJ-Friend Steve Smith

Many MOJ-readers will be interested in a new paper Steve Smith recently posted on SSRN.  I know that Steve would welcome any comments readers might have:  [email protected]

Click here to download/print the paper.

How Secularists Helped Knock Down the Wall of Separation between Church and State

STEVEN DOUGLAS SMITH
University of San Diego School of Law

November 8, 2007

San Diego Legal Studies Paper No. 07-124
 
Abstract:     
An increasingly common view maintains that the legendary “wall of separation between church and state” has fallen into a state of serious disrepair. There is also a widely voiced opinion about who deserves the blame, or the credit, for this development: the people ostensibly responsible for the wall's decline are religious conservatives, working through and upon the Republican Party and Republican appointees to the federal bench. In this article, I argue that this ascription of responsibility is fundamentally misleading. Complacently offered or accepted, it does a serious disservice to our understanding of the long-term causal influences that have combined to subvert the commitment to church-state separation and also, more generally, to our understanding of the situation we currently occupy and the prospects that may be available to us.

Indeed, from a more detached perspective, the diagnosis ascribing the decay of the wall of separation to religious believers and their political representatives is almost exactly wrong. It would be more accurate, ultimately, to attribute the declining fortunes of the wall - and the principle of separation - to secularists and secular influences (in a modern sense of the term) than to religion.

Part I of the article (“Foundations: Separation and the Classical 'Secular'”) attempts to explain three things: what “secular” meant in its premodern or classical sense, how the “secular” in that classical sense gave rise to a jurisdictional question affecting church and state, and how a commitment to “separation of church and state” and a derivative commitment to freedom of conscience expressed the generally shared classical response to that jurisdictional question. Part II (“Dissolution: Separation, Conscience, and the Modern 'Secular'”) follows the same order, attempting to explain how the concept of the “secular” was transformed into its modern sense of “not religious,” how the modern sense of the secular dissolved the earlier question of jurisdiction and replaced it with a question of justice, and how this transformation has altered and significantly undermined the classical commitments to “separation of church and state” and freedom of conscience. Part III (“Phasing out the Wall”) discusses the stages in which the reduction of the wall - of the commitments to separation of church and state and freedom of conscience - has proceeded in modern American jurisprudence. The Conclusion reflects briefly on the alternatives that may be available to us now.

Vischer on Richards on the New Natural Lawyers

Judging from responses I've received to my post regarding the new book by Bamforth and Richards, let me clarify that my post should not be construed as an endorsement of the book.  I am not an expert on the new natural law, nor on the jurisprudence of Richards or Bamforth.  While I often find myself wondering whether the explanatory reach of natural law theory (new and old) exceeds its grasp, particularly as applied to our current legal system, that does not make David Richards an attractive alternative to me.  I have not yet read this book, but my past encounters with his work suggest to me that his unshakeable belief in traditional Christianity's sinister and perverse effect on humanity colors his analysis of any related fact or theme.  That said, I look forward to reading his new book, even though I likely will find it unconvincing, even shockingly unconvincing.

Tuesday, November 13, 2007

Bamforth and Richards on the "New" Natural Lawyers

I have not, I admit, read the new book by Bamforth and Richards, about which Rob posted here.  But, going only on the abstract . . . let's just say I'm not sure I'd want to inflict it on anyone, even a "new natural lawyer."  "Conservative moral views of the papacy", "polemically defends sectarian arguments", "fundamentalist style", "patriarchal style of religious authority", zzzzzz. 

Certainly, one must remain open to the argument (see, e.g., Russ Hittinger) -- though I'm not competent to adjudicate the dispute -- that the so-called "new natural lawyers" don't have St. Thomas exactly right, and also to "alternative [but authentic] forms of Christianity that are not fatally flawed" (who wants a "fatally flawed" Christianity, after all?).  But the "polemical", superficial characterizations -- in the abstract -- of the work, character, and motivations of John Finnis, Robert George, etc. are clearly and well wide of the mark and impossible (for me) to regard as reflecting the conclusions of serious, scholarly engagement.

UPDATE:  A reader suggests that it is hardly surprising that Prof. Richards would be unfriendly to the so-called "new" natural lawyers' project.  According to the reader, Richards, in his book, The Moral Criticism of Law, celebrates adult pornography as "the unique medium of a vision of sexuality, a ‘pornotopia,' a view of sensual delight in the erotic celebration of the body, a concept of easy freedom without consequences, a fantasy of timelessly repetitive indulgence."  This view -- assuming it is Richards's -- is not one, I suppose, that is likely to push one toward, say, the theses proposed and defended in Natural Law and Natural Rights.