Mirror of Justice

A blog dedicated to the development of Catholic legal theory.
Affiliated with the Program on Church, State & Society at Notre Dame Law School.

Saturday, August 12, 2006

Jim Dwyer on liberals, conservatives, poverty, and children

William and Mary law professor, Jim Dwyer, has commented on our recent discussion on liberals, conservatives, and poverty with some provocative questions of his own.  For those familiar with his work, he focuses on the liberal and conservative response to poverty as it effects children.  Any thoughts in response to his questions?

"Hi Mike,

I am sorry I was away [during] the brief discussion of the “anthropological” account of children.  As an indirect way of responding to questions posed then, I thought I’d say a few words about the current topic of poverty.

My perception is that liberals and conservatives are insufficiently attentive to the ontological distinctness of children – that is, to (what I regard as) the fact that a child is a human being ontologically separate from his or her parents and other family and community members, a distinct and unique site of experience, perception, thought, feeling, etc. (all of which is consistent with a child’s sharing a life with parents, being dependent on parents, identifying him/herself as a member of a dyad or larger grouping with parents and others, emotionally identifying with parents, and having other sorts of experiences that individuals have in intimate relationships with others).  Both liberals and conservatives, in my view, tend to elide the distinction between child and parent in some contexts.

I see liberals do this, for example, in the child abuse context; they complain about the disparate impact of child protection laws on poor and minority adults, *without contending that the interventions are generally unwarranted from a child welfare standpoint*, and they contend that the disparate impact amounts to a harm against the poor and minority communities.  Their focus is on how adults are impacted and they overlook that fact that the disparate impact amounts to a special benefit for children in poor and minority communities (again, assuming the interventions actually help them), a benefit denied to children who are abused but happen to be in wealthy, white families (overlooked because state actors are, it is said, more deferential to wealthy white adults).  The liberal response to the perceived discrimination is to restrain child protection efforts in poor and minority communities, rather than to compel greater intervention in wealthy white families, because children tend to disappear from their minds and they see only adults suffering (from removal of their children, on top of their otherwise difficult lives).  From a child-centered perspective, I think they’ve got it backwards.

I see conservatives do this in the education context, where they oppose regulation of private schools on grounds (inter alia) of supposed self-determination and autonomy and support vouchers on grounds of private choice, as if oblivious to the fact that as a general matter private schooling is not a matter of individuals' directing their own lives and choosing what school they themselves will attend, but rather a matter of parents dictating the lives of children and parents choosing where children will go to school.  It is remarkable to me how often conservatives will invoke the oxymoronic term “parental autonomy” to defend an anti-statist position.

I bring this up in the context of the discussion of poverty because I think the tendency to conflate parents and children and to take an adult-centered focus to policies impacting families is an obstacle to long-term amelioration of poverty.  And the problem seems to me mostly on the conservative side.  Conservatives might plausibly believe that the best approach to helping adults who are living in poverty is to give them the opportunity to raise themselves up, rather than giving them handouts in perpetuity, and to let them succeed or fail based on their own choices.  This belief might reflect some plausible moral assumptions about what makes for a worthy life.  But inevitably many poor adults will fail, despite their best efforts or because they choose not to give their best efforts, and the consequence of that (in today's society) is a denial of equal opportunity for their children, a likely impoverished and dangerous upbringing for their children, and so another generation of adults mired in the dysfunction of poverty.  To a degree much greater than seems inevitable, in

America

today children's prospects turn on the fortunes of their parents. 

Conservatives seem generally disinclined to view children of poor people as distinct persons who are in a moral situation different from that of their parents, and as a result seem generally unwilling to devote state-collected resources to programs aimed at improving the situation of those children, especially if any programs ostensibly targeted at the children might have a spillover benefit for their parents.  We could debate the efficacy of spending on specific programs endlessly and probably not come to agreement, so rather than invite that sort of debate I’ll just ask whether you think I am wrong in my overall impression that conservatives are generally disinclined to roll up their sleeves and apply themselves to the task of doing everything that can be done to help children in poverty have something approximating an equal opportunity in life?  And whether I wrong in thinking that such a disinclination stems in large part from a tendency, fostered by or at least consistent with some religious teachings, to view families as an ontological unit, all in the same boat morally, and so to apply the same sort of moral reasoning when thinking about any programs for “the poor” whether they are targeted at adults or at children?  Am I mistaken in my perception that conservatives, like liberals, do not generally reason along the lines of “okay, let’s put out of mind for the time being any thought about the rights and responsibilities of adults and just figure out everything we can do for kids who, clearly through no fault of their own, are born into the hell of urban poverty”?

Jim Dwyer"

Friday, August 11, 2006

Response to CLT Critics

Below is a response to Rick's post on critiques of the CLT mission from MOJ friend Gerald Russello:

1. The criticism that adding the modifier "Catholic" does not add anything to the range of positions would be applicable to any of the "critical X" approaches to law. Feminist legal theory, for example, at its best exposes the law's sometimes unwarranted presumptions of maleness where a female perspective should be included. CLT introduces the same element of critique: first, to show that legal doctrines may/may not be compatible with Catholic understandings; and also to show how they could be changed to so be compatible. The obvious objection is that some may not wish for doctrines to be changed, but that is a policy or legislative argument, not an argument against a body of scholarly inquiry.

2. Some of the critics seem to think that the Catholic tradition to external to that, say, of the common law. That is not so, and insofar as that syatem - with its assumptions about the indicvidual, the family, and the nature of obligations or promises, for example - remain constitutive parts of the legal system, reflections on the Catholic contribution to them can be helpful.

3. CLT is just a part of a broader social tradition. If law schools want to educate the whole person as a new professional, immersion in a comprehensive tradition would seem to be an appropriate mission for a Catholic law school. Does this mean that Catholic scholars/lawyers will advocate for positions seemingly at odds with majority understandings? Sure. But I don't see how that detracts from the mission of a Catholic law school qua law school. I don't hear many CLT scholars arguing against the federal rules of civil procedure or a standard first-year curriculum.

Secular reasoning and stem-cell research

A few weeks ago, there were a series of interesting posts -- here, at the Volokh Conspiracy, on Professor Leiter's blog, at Legal Theory -- about religion and public reason, with particular emphasis on the stem-cell-research debate.

Readers might be interested in this statement, by Robert George, which he produced in the context of the President's Council on Bioethics work, "Human Cloning and Human Dignity:  An Ethical Inquiry." 

More on income inequality

Commenting on Tom Berg's post, a few weeks (?) ago, on CST and income-disparities, blogger Matthew Fish has this post, which includes an interesting chart of the "Gini coefficient," and also a link to a global map of income disparity.  (Fish's blog, by the way, is full of thoughtful and interesting stuff.)

"Catholic Legal Theory": What is it good for?

In this post, a blogger and college student named Dave Harris reacts to a recent MOJ post, and to the "Catholic Legal Theory" enterprise more generally.  He is, to put it mildly, unimpressed.  Here is a bit:

  CLT definitely seems preferable to the legal theories of the radical evangelical right, but I'm not seeing any brilliant insights, either. Based on my (very limited) research, the key element of CLT seems to be "the dignity of the human person and respect for the common good." I'm all for that, as I've written before. I think it should be fairly uncontroversial that "community [i]s indispensable for human flourishing" and that "authentic freedom" is a good thing. " And I'm an atheist. Thus, I'm not sure what CLT has to add. . . .

Basically, it seems like the good elements of CLT can be found elsewhere, and forcing a distinctively Catholic element onto the ideas I've seen so far has seemed confusing and unproductive at best. That's not to say that they won't have anything interesting or useful to say as a result of their Catholicism. With a few exceptions like the Talmudic tradition and perhaps law itself, there aren't many systems of thought that have struggled more intensely or for a longer period of time with the nature of the law than the Church. In fact, I'd be surprised if Catholicism didn't have something useful to say on the subject, just as I'd be surprised if Buddhism's introspective tradition didn't have anything useful to say about psychology. Still, I'm confident that there are issues on which Catholic teachings are worthless and even dangerous, and people are going to have an extremely difficult time convincing me to adopt a particular position simply because a Catholic theologian or scholar supports it. . . .

And it's a conceit to believe that others--particularly experts and others that believe that they have access to a capital-T Truth that flatly contradicts Catholic teachings--don't understand their own affiars. Like I said earlier, it's quite likely that over the last 1500 years some Catholics have produced tremendously useful ideas that should be given more thought. I'm not going to reject an idea just because it's rooted in Catholic doctrine. But I don't think that people should accept them for that reason, either. And if the posts I looked through are any indication, there's a danger of that with CLT.

I'd be happy if someone can prove me wrong, though. I'm certainly not going to pretend to be an expert on something I hadn't heard of until several hours ago. Am I missing something?

So . . . is Harris missing something?   Or, are we ("arrogant[ly]) wasting our time on "confusing and unproductive" repackaging?  I'd welcome others' thoughts.

UPDATE:  Another sharp critique of the MOJ project -- or, at least -- its execution, is here (scroll down).

UPDATE:  Here is a response -- defending the CLT enterprise -- to Harris's post, by David Schraub.

Thursday, August 10, 2006

What "culture wars"?

According to a new study by the Pew Research Center, "[d]espite talk of 'culture wars' and the high visibility of activist groups on both sides of the cultural divide, there has been no polarization of the public into liberal and conservative camps[.]"  Hmmm. 

UPDATE:  Professor Joseph Knippenberg discusses, and critiques, the study here.

Liberals, Conservatives, and the Poor

Who are “the poor” being written about in previous posts about Conservatives and the Poor?  A stereotypical liberal lumps “the poor” together into one category and says their poverty is a result of various forms of oppression stemming from structural and institutional defects.  A stereotypical conservative lumps “the poor” together into one category and says their poverty is the result of personal defects of various forms.  These stereotypical liberals and conservatives (to the extent that they exist and are not merely caricatures created by their opponents) suffer from common defects.  They both fail to see the humanity of individual poor people and the complexity in which their lives are lived out.  There are no doubt institutional causes of poverty – racism, xenophobia, poor schools (with my meager brain, I still fail to see the liberal argument against school vouchers to help alleviate this problem), lack of quality medical care, lack of cheap transportation, etc.  And, there are no doubt individual causes of poverty – alcoholism, out of wedlock births, lack of personal discipline (the ability to show up on time and consistently), lack of personal hygiene, etc.  Many people are truly poor through no fault of their own or their family (but in many cases, these folks –through a combination of individual initiative, private help, and public help - can change their status over a couple of generations.) And, there may be a few people who are poor only through the fault of themselves or family.  But, I suspect that many are poor through a combination of institutional factors and personal decisions, which inevitably will be influenced by the broader culture and, in turn, influence the culture.

Do conservatives care about poor people?  Some do and some don’t.  I just came back from a conference attended mostly by conservatives and one of the battle cries of the conference was that your money is not your own, it is a gift from God to be used in the service of others.  Do liberals care about poor people?  Some do and some don’t.  When I suggested to a liberal colleague years ago that one way to solve the Social Security crisis is to means-test benefits, her response was “hell know, I put in, and I will demand that I receive my share of the benefits.”  I grew up biased in favor of the liberal democratic responses to poverty and the poor assuming that they conformed to Catholic Social Teaching.  As I started to study CST, I realized that many of the liberal democratic responses to the poor were actually contrary to CST.  My metaphor (which may be overly simplified) for much of the democratic response is that it treated the poor like dogs who were put in kennels in the form of high rise housing projects.  These measures might have provided minimum material needs but at the cost of poor people’s humanity. 

My hope is that we can get beyond the caricatures of liberals, conservatives, and the poor to address real human needs, including the needs of poor people in the complexities of their situations.  I suspect that we will differ as to the proper mix of individual initiative, private charity, and public welfare to address this and other problems.  But, hey, that makes life interesting…

Cardinal Martino, Saddam Hussein, and "moral seriousness"

The Institute for Peace and Justice, at the University of San Diego (a Catholic university, with an excellent law school), is hosting Renato Raffaele Cardinal Martino later this month, to talk about "the global impact of the Church through its social teachings, especially in the pursuit of peace and justice."  USD law professors Gail Heriot and Mike Rappaport, of the "Right Coast" blog, have posted some thoughts, critical of Cardinal Martino's statements in late 2003 to the effect that he felt "pity" and "compassion" for Saddam Hussein, when watching video of Hussein after his arrest.  Professor Heriot writes:

At the time, it struck me as an ill-considered outburst.  It's fine, even good, for all human beings to feel a visceral sympathy when they see a once-powerful dictator reduced to the level of Saddam Hussein that day.  I certainly felt it.  But for a Vatican official to make his public statement focus on that visceral reaction shows a lack of moral seriousness.  The arrest of man responsible for the murder and torture of thousands is not an ideal occasion to get weepy-eyed over the sight of the once-mighty-turned-pathetic.  Above all else, it's an occasion to thank God that he has been brought to justice (and that those who carried out the arrest were not hurt).

Professor Rappaport adds:

I fear that Gail is being too polite . . ..  To express pity for Saddam Hussein, except as an afterthought, is to ignore the importance of justice.  Whatever one thinks of the need for the Iraqi War, the capturing of Saddam Hussein must be regarded by all men of good will as one of the most important acts of justice in modern times.  Sadly, mass killers have too rarely been subjected to punishment, avoiding their just desserts through suicide (Hitler), death under suspicious circumstances (Stalin), or usually natural causes.  The humiliation of Saddam Hussein was a morally great thing.  Not to recognize and feel it is to ignore the claims of his victims.  It is an ugly thing.  Perhaps one can feel pity for Cardinal Martino, but not (except as an afterthought) for Saddam.

It is an interesting question, I think, for lawyers interested in "Catholic legal theory":  What constraints, if any, should our commitment to "justice" place on the cultivation, or the expression, of "pity" and "compassion" for those who commit great evils and whom we, in accord with the rule of law, prosecute punish?  I take it as given -- even if I cannot pretend that I find it easy, or even possible, to really embrace the idea -- that even Saddam Hussein, because he is a human person, possesses the dignity that comes with being loved by, and created in the image of, God.  I take it as given that this fact has implications for how he may be treated, notwithstanding the monstrous, depraved nature of his acts and character.  That said, I think Professors Heriot and Rappaport are right to regret Cardinal Martino's statements.  It is both appropriate, and important, it seems to me, to be pleased -- and for Church leaders to express pleasure -- when justice is done.

Conservatives and the Poor

I disagree with Rick's rejection of the characterization of Rob's quote as a significant "conservative" view of the causes of poverty.  (I'm referring here to his use of scare quotes when referring to the notion that poverty results from the moral defects of the poor themselves as a widespread "conservative" view.)  To be sure, this is not the view that all conservatives hold, and I doubt it's the view of anyone on this site.  But it is certainly a significant and mainstream strain of thought in the conservative movement and a frequent means of voicing opposition to government assistance for the poor (remember Reagan's "welfare queens"?).  (There's nothing new, by the way, about attempts to attribute the poverty of the poor to their immorality.  (cf. John 9.1-3.))  In addition, it often works as code for certain reprehensible racial views, but that is a different issue.  I had meant to blog about this series of comments by a conservative radio talk show host when it first appeared, but it now seems relevant to this discussion.  Here are  comments from Neal Boortz's (Cox Radio) August 3 show:

I want you to think about this, folks. You know, most of the people that earn minimum wage are teenagers. They're in the job market for a short period of time, they're learning some job skills, they're learning workplace skills. Most of the people who aren't teenagers that have a minimum-wage job, it lasts about three to four months, and they're off making more money. I want you to think for think for a moment of how incompetent and stupid and worthless, how -- that's right, I used those words -- how incompetent, how ignorant, how worthless is an adult that can't earn more than the minimum wage? You have to really, really, really be a pretty pathetic human being to not be able to earn more than the human wage. Uh -- human, the minimum wage.

Now, obviously this is a little more crude than the comment Rob posted, but it gets at the same basic point.  And I think we can all admit that these sorts of comments and innuendos are not all that unusual among conservatives.  I'm sure without too much trouble, I could dig up a few more examples.

Brennan's advice to new law students

In a few days, our law schools will welcome a new first-year class.  This essay, "To Beginning Law Students," by our own Patrick Brennan, is a great way for them, and us, to get ready.