Mirror of Justice

A blog dedicated to the development of Catholic legal theory.
Affiliated with the Program on Church, State & Society at Notre Dame Law School.

Tuesday, July 18, 2006

Human Rights and other matters

I would like to have responded earlier to some of the fascinating and important discussions on human rights that have appeared in MOJ over the past several days. But, this is the first opportunity I have had to put together a few words.

An important issue that permeates the discussion of human rights is the question: what is their source? For those who subscribe to an underlying religious belief, this question might be rephrased: who is their source? The answer is: God is the source. The State or other human mechanism is not.

Of course for some secular views, if the rights bearer/claimer is the source—or at least the foundation of their definition, then human rights become whatever that subject says they are. There would be no need to consider the perspectives of anyone or anything beyond the defining self. This situation presents a problem when the rights of one self-definer conflict with those of another. The solution for resolving the conflict becomes quite limited.

So the next step is to consider whether someone or something beyond the self is the definer of human rights. For the Christian and many other religious believers, it is, as I have suggested earlier, God who is their author and who gives each of his beloved creation the ability to claim and exercise rights in a proper fashion and to respond affirmatively to the responsibilities toward others in the exercise of these rights.

For the person who does not subscribe to either of these two views, the task of explaining the source because more complex. Is the source metaphysical? Or, is it tangible and human? Or, is it something else, not to exclude such a possibility? But if the source is of some human origin, what mechanism is there for reconciling, in the most just way possible, any conflict between or among people when the exercise of their rights conflict? Obviously, the answer would seem to be a human source. But, this circumstance can be affected by some of the same concerns that plague the first category I identified earlier regarding self-definition by the claimant. One might then say that judicial or legal mechanisms are then the proper and only source for reconciling these conflicts. But that would make these mechanisms too much like the self-defining author who claims and defines the rights. And, since these mechanisms are a function of the State, the State indirectly becomes the author of these rights. And this is a conclusion that conflicts with the Catholic perspective on the nature and source of human rights.    RJA sj

Wal-Mart Gets Religion

Wal-Mart has hired a former nun as director of stakeholder engagement, charged with steering the company's policies on labor relations, the environment, and health care.  Can we expect the Compendium to be required reading for the board of directors?

Rob

More on DeLay and the Cross

I have a somewhat different reaction than Rob to my esteemed teacher Martin Marty's column criticizing Tom Delay's speech about Terri Schiavo and Jesus.  (DeLay drew rhetorical parallels between their deaths -- both thirsting and forsaken -- which overlooks the fact that Jesus's death was the culmination of the divine plan.)  Rob thinks that attacking DeLay's theologizing is "one step removed from a straw man argument."  But I disagree; it seems to me that among Marty's points is precisely that the theological assertions of politicians like Tom DeLay are not marginal today but are influential (too much so) and that's why they need to be scrutinized.  Marty is also spot on in pointing out that DeLay's interpretation was far from literal; he shaped the text in ways that evangelicals often fail to acknowledge doing.

I have a different question, though.  DeLay is hardly the first person in politics to make an analogy between the unjust killing of Jesus and other injustices.  William Jennings Bryan, striking a crucifixion pose, said "You shall not crucify mankind upon a cross of gold!"  Death penalty opponents point out that Jesus was a man unfairly condemned and executed.  Isn't the paradox of the cross, or its fullness, the fact that it is at once the epitome of human injustice -- and thus a type for other acts of injustice -- and also the centerpiece of God's grace?  The old rugged cross is both "the emblem of suffering" and the thing most to be "cherish[ed]."  I agree that we could call DeLay's use of the cross one-dimensional; I'd just add that we might have to say the same of other political rhetoric from across the spectrum.

Tom

Monday, July 17, 2006

Defending the Claims for Adult Stem Cells

Do No Harm, the organization accused last week (in a letter to Science magazine) of making overstatements about the accomplishments and promise of adult stem cell research and treatments, responds in this statement -- for example:

It remains absolutely true that adult stem cells have benefited patients suffering from at least 72 diseases and conditions, where patient improvement is documented by peer-reviewed scientific publications. . . .  It is a success that no one can claim for embryonic stem cells.

(Thanks to Notre Dame's Carter Snead for the pointer.)

Tom

George & Bradley on prison ministries

Check out this essay, by Robert George and Gerard Bradley, on the recent federal-court decision invalidating, on First Amendment grounds, a faith-based program in Iowa prisons.

Parish closings, healthy cities, and religious freedom

I have an op-ed in today's USA Today about parish and parochial-school closings, the new urbanism, and religious freedom.  I'd welcome reactions.  Here is a bit:

Well, so what? We might well sympathize with those for whom the closing of a parish is painful because of family memories or ethnic traditions, or those who must now find a new school. And maybe we regret the loss of a few older, attractive buildings. In the end, though, why shouldn't the reaction of outsiders simply be, "Oh well, that's life"?

Why should we care?

For starters, urban Catholic schools and their teachers do heroic work in providing education, hope, safety, opportunity and values to vulnerable and marginalized children of all religions, ethnicities and backgrounds. Similarly, Catholic hospitals have long cared for underserved and disadvantaged people in both urban and rural areas, and helped to fill glaring gaps in the availability of health care. It is too easy to take for granted these and similar contributions to the common good. We should remember that, as these institutions fold, the burdens on and challenges to public ones will increase.

We might also care about the closings for slightly more abstract but no less important reasons. In a nutshell: It is important to a free society that non-government institutions thrive. Such institutions enrich and diversify what we call "civil society." They are like bridges and buffers that mediate between the individual and the state. They are the necessary infrastructure for communities and relationships in which loyalties and values are formed and passed on and where persons develop and flourish.

Catholics and non-Catholics alike can appreciate the crucial role that these increasingly vulnerable "mediating associations" play in the lives of our cities. Harvard University Professor Robert Putnam and others have emphasized the importance of "social capital," both to the health of political communities and to the development of engaged citizens. In America's cities, it has long been true that neighborhood churches and schools have provided and nurtured this social capital by serving as places where connections and bonds of trust are formed and strengthened. As Joel Kotkin writes in his recent book, The City: A Global History, healthy cities are and must be "sacred, safe and busy." If he is right, Catholic parishes, schools and hospitals help make America's cities great.

Our Sacramental Constitution

U.S. Rep. Emanuel Cleaver, an ordained United Methodist minister, says that the effort to pass a constitutional amendment to ban same-sex marriage is "sinfully divisive."  (HT: Religion Clause)  He offers some interesting logic (reg. req'd):

"Marriage is a spiritual issue," said Cleaver, a Democrat. "That's not for the Congress to dictate, no more than it's appropriate for Congress to dictate how much bread should be used in communion. Communion is a sacrament. Marriage is a sacrament. Why not just put all the sacraments in the Constitution?"

Someone probably should alert Rep. Cleaver that our laws already say a thing or two about marriage, which makes his link to other sacraments just a bit attenuated.  (Though if we're headed in this direction, I'm all in favor of laws banning certain worship music.)

Another gem from Rep. Cleaver: "It's bad theology because there is nothing biblical about creating divisions between people."  So divisions between people are unbiblical?  Do the sheep and the goats ring a bell?  At a minimum, he needs to spend an evening reading Rick's latest.

I'm not a fan of the amendment, but this is plain crazy talk.

Rob

Marty on Scripture in Politics

Martin Marty challenges the literalism of self-proclaimed biblical literalists on the religious right.  He makes a good point overall, but using Tom DeLay as the leading example of conservatives pulling scripture out of context seems one step removed from a straw man argument.

Rob

Sunday, July 16, 2006

Robert George on God and the Morality of Human Rights

Responding to my recent post about Michael P's Commonweal essay on the possibility of a non-religious ground for the morality of human rights, Robert George kindly sent me a chapter -- which takes the form of an interview with him about natural law -- from a new volume, edited by Elizabeth Bucar and Barbara Barnett, Does Human Rights Need God? (Eerdman's 2005).  Other contributors to the volume include Khaled Abou El Fadl, Jean Bethke Elshtain, Vigen Guroian, Louis Henkin, and David Novak (to name just a few).  Looks great!

Here is a bit from George's chapter:

What is the role of religion and/or God in your understanding of natural law?

            Most, but not all, natural law theorists are theists.  They believe that the moral order, like every other order in human experience, is what it is because God creates and sustains it as such.  In accounting for the intelligibility of the created order, they infer the existence of a free and creative intelligence—a personal God.  Indeed, they typically argue that God’s creative free choice provides the only ultimately satisfactory account of the existence of the intelligibilities humans grasp in every domain of inquiry. 

            Natural law theorists do not deny that God can reveal moral truths and most believe that God has chosen to reveal many such truths.  However, natural law theorists also affirm that many moral truths, including some that are revealed, can also be grasped by ethical reflection apart from revelation.  They assert, with St. Paul, that there is a law “written on the hearts” even of the Gentiles who did not know the law of Moses.  So the basic norms against murder and theft, though revealed in the Decalogue, are knowable even apart from God’s special revelation.  The natural law can be known by us, and we can conform our conduct to its terms, by virtue of our natural human capacities for deliberation, judgment, and choice.  The absence of a divine source of the natural law would be a puzzling thing, just as the absence of a divine source of any and every other intelligible order in human experience would be a puzzling thing.  An atheist’s puzzlement might well cause him or her to re-consider the idea that there is no divine source of the order we perceive and understand in the universe.  It is far less likely to cause him or her to conclude that our perception is illusory or that our understanding is a sham.

[C]an natural law provide the basis for an international human rights regime without consensus on the nature of God and the role of God in human affairs?

            Anybody who acknowledges the human capacities for reason and freedom has good grounds for affirming human dignity and basic human rights.  These grounds remain in place whether or not one adverts to the question:  “Is there a divine source of the moral order whose tenets we discern in inquiry regarding natural law and natural rights?”  I happen to think that the answer to this question is “yes,” and that we should be open to the possibility that God has revealed himself in ways that reinforce and supplement what can be known by unaided reason.  But we do not need agreement on the answer, so long as we agree about the truths that give rise to the question, namely, that human beings, possessing the God-like powers of reason and freedom are possessors of a profound dignity that is protected by certain basic rights.

            So, if there is a set of moral norms, including norms of justice and human rights, that can be known by rational inquiry, understanding, and judgment even apart from any special revelation, then these norms of natural law can provide the basis for an international regime of human rights.  Of course, we should not expect consensus.  There are moral skeptics who deny that there are moral truths.  There are religious fideists who hold that moral truths cannot be known apart from God’s special revelation.  And even among those who believe in natural law, there will be differences of opinion about its precise content and implications for certain issues.  So it is, I believe, our permanent condition to discuss and debate these issues, both as a matter of abstract philosophy and as a matter of practical politics.

More on Michael's "Morality of Human Rights" essay

Michael P.'s important essay in the latest issue of Commonweal deserves more than a link.  In the piece, Michael presents arguments upon which he has elaborated in his books, fleshing out and exploring the implications of the conclusion that there is no "nonreligious ground" for the morality of human rights.  Here is an excerpt:

The morality of universal human rights is a precious achievement, but also an exceedingly fragile one.

If, as I suspect, there exists no plausible nonreligious ground for the morality of human rights, then the growing marginalization of religious belief in many societies that have taken human rights seriously-in particular, in many liberal democracies-has a profoundly worrisome consequence: it may leave those societies bereft of the intellectual resources to sustain the morality of human rights. His pleasure at this dilemma is what makes Nietzsche so ominous in retrospect; in his exhilarated snarl one hears an advance warning of the Holocaust. . . .

That there is a religious ground for the morality of human rights is clear; indeed, there are multiple religious grounds. The Christian ground will be familiar to readers of this magazine: each and every human being is the beloved child of God, created in the image of God, and perfects this created nature in loving his or her sisters and brothers. The revealed truth of Scripture teaches that Jesus called us to “love one another just as I have loved you” (John 13:34). As Canadian (and Catholic) philosopher Charles Taylor has argued, the “affirmation of universal human rights” that characterizes “modern liberal political culture” represents one of several “authentic developments of the gospel” in modern life.

It is far from clear, however, that there is a nonreligious ground-a secular ground-for the morality of human rights. Indeed, the claim that every human being has inherent dignity, and that we should live our lives accordingly, remains deeply problematic for many secular thinkers. Such a claim is difficult, perhaps nearly impossible, to align with one of secularism’s reigning intellectual convictions, what British philosopher Bernard Williams called “Nietzsche’s thought”: that “there is, not only no God, but no metaphysical order of any kind.”

I'm afraid I'm not competent to judge Michael's assessment, and rejection, of John Finnis's arguments for a "nonreligious ground," but I'm sure that many MOJ readers are.  In any event, here is Michael's conclusion:

In those liberal democracies in which religious belief is growing increasingly marginalized, one wonders which will survive-Nietzsche’s thought, or the morality of human rights. Can the morality of human rights survive the death-or deconstruction-of God? Was it such a morality that Nietzsche saw in the coffin at God’s funeral?

Perhaps some who find religious ground implausible can remain confident in their conviction that every human being has inherent dignity and is inviolable. “I have reached bedrock,” Wittgenstein wrote, “and this is where my spade is turned.” Perhaps some will say they have no time to obsess about the ground of their conviction because they are too busy doing the important work of “changing the world.” But still, this question intrudes: How can secular thinkers reconcile the very idea of bedrock with their vision of a universe possessed of no underlying metaphysical order whatsoever? If their bedrock conviction holds that the Other possesses inherent dignity and truly is inviolable, then what else must be true; what must be true for it to be true that the Other has inherent dignity and is inviolable? Not an easy question, and one whose answer, believers know, is a mystery.