Mirror of Justice

A blog dedicated to the development of Catholic legal theory.
Affiliated with the Program on Church, State & Society at Notre Dame Law School.

Sunday, April 16, 2006

Meacham on "public religion"

Check out Jon Meacham's op-ed, "The Prayer Breakfast Presidency," in today's Washington Post.  Talking about the recent national prayer breakfast, at which the President was joined by the Rev. Billy Graham, Meacham continues:

For many Americans, the image of presidents at prayer is reassuring; for many others, scenes such as the one last week with Bush and Graham represent an unhealthy mixing of church and state.

However, American history suggests that allusions to faith in the political arena are part of what Benjamin Franklin called "public religion," a religion whose God is perhaps best understood as the "Creator" and the "Nature's God" of the Declaration of Independence. This was not the God of Abraham or God the Father of the Holy Trinity, but a more generic figure who made the world, is active in it through the workings of providence, and will ultimately judge how people conducted themselves in life.

Taken together, the past reveals that the benefits of faith in God in our public life have outweighed their costs. "The sacred rights of mankind are not to be rummaged for among old parchments or musty records," said Alexander Hamilton. "They are written, as with a sunbeam, in the whole volume of human nature, by the hand of the divinity itself, and can never be erased or obscured by mortal power."

Guided by this idea of God-given human rights, America has created the freest, most inclusive nation on Earth. It was neither easy nor quick: the destruction of Native American cultures, the ravages of slavery, the horrors of the Civil War, the subjugation of women and the bitterness of Jim Crow attest to that. And there is much work to be done. In its finest hours, America has not been wholly religious or wholly secular but has drawn on both traditions. Understanding that may help the left adjust its fears of a supposedly nascent American theocracy and convince the right to discard its historically inaccurate vision of America as a "Christian nation."

Following Homer, who said "all men need the gods," John Adams once remarked: "Religion always has and always will govern mankind. Man is constitutionally, essentially and unchangeably a religious animal. Neither philosophers nor politicians can ever govern him in any other way."

Penalver on illegal immigration

Eduardo has an op-ed, "American Pioneers - - - Or 'Illegals'?", in today's Washington Post.  It starts with this:

A number of the politicians calling for the criminalization of illegal immigrants may not be aware that they and a good many of their constituents could themselves be direct descendants of people who did some illegal migrating of their own many years ago. Much of the territory of the United States was settled by people -- hundreds of thousands of them -- who disregarded the law by squatting on public lands.

Saturday, April 15, 2006

Garnett v. George?

Michael cites his own agreement with Robby George as near-conclusive proof that I am wrong about the death penalty.  What can I say?  I'm all about irenicism.  As Don Altobello said, in Godfather III, "blessed are the peacemakers."

Two quick points:  First, it is worth remembering -- and I realize that Michael was just kidding around, but still . . .  -- that, as Catholic legal scholars, Michael and Robby George agree about a lot, including, of course, the supra-significance and uber-good-news-ish-ness of what they both celebrate this Easter.  Second, to be clear, I don't think Professor George is misreading Evangelium vitae and the Catechism regarding the death penalty -- I just think the current formulation (in those documents) of the Church's position on capital punishment is unsatisfying.

Regina Caeli

An Easter prayer:

Queen of heaven, rejoice, alleluia!
For He whom you were found worthy to bear, alleluia!
Has risen even as He said, alleluia!
Pray for us to God, alleluia!

He is risen!

Rick Garnett v. Robby George

Rick posted below Robby George's thoughts on capital punishment, and then indicated that he was inclined to disagree with Robby's reading of Evangelium Vitae and the Catechism of the Catholic Church (here).  I have virtually conclusive proof that Robby is right and Rick is wrong:   I concur in Robby's readings of the documents, and if Robby George and I actually find ourselves in agreement about something, well, res ipsa loquitur and all that.  (Of course, when Robby finds out that I agree with him about his reading of the documents, he may want to reconsider his reading of the documents ...)
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Stanley Fish on Antonin Scalia on constitutional interpretation

Stanley Fish is guest blogging at the New York Times.  Here are two posts on Antonin Scalia that I thought some MOJ-readers would be interested in:  Fish on Scalia.
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Friday, April 14, 2006

Lisa Schiltz on Catholicism, Feminism, and the Academic Workplace

Those with an interest in Catholic legal education (just a few of us here!) will certainly want to look at this new paper posted by my colleague Lisa Schiltz:

"Motherhood and the Mission: What Catholic Schools Could Learn from Harvard about Women"

. . . Despite popular characterizations of the Catholic Church as hostile toward feminism, careful analysis of the Church's teachings on the family and women reveals a consistent record of support for many significant items on secular feminist platforms. In particular, there is a profound convergence of Church teachings, on the one hand, and writings of a strand of feminism known as "care feminism" or "relational feminism," on the other hand, around the need for a social revaluation of the largely unpaid, largely female, work of caring for family members. Less commonly acknowledged, though, is the convergence between Church and feminist arguments for restructuring the workplace to accommodate women who are mothers. This article describes the relevant Church teachings and their convergence with feminist arguments.

Recent research demonstrates that motherhood, rather than gender, is the most significant barrier to career advancement by women in the United States, including women in academia. This article summarizes that research, and analyzes faculty composition data for Catholic law schools over the past four years. The data demonstrates that gender ratios of Catholic law schools are essentially identical to those of other law schools. However, the special charge to Catholic universities set forth in Ex Corde Ecclesiae, The Apostolic Constitution on Catholic Universities – to be both the intellectual vehicle by which Catholic ideals are brought to bear on the pressing problems of our time and a practical model for an institution structured around these same Catholic ideals – demands that Catholic universities seriously consider proposals for restructuring the academic workplace to accommodate motherhood.

Tom

Benedict XVI on secularism and Islam

Here is an essay, "The Pope's Easter," by Daniel Henninger, about the Pope's Holy Thursday homily.  Among other things, the essay calls attention to this recent statement by the Pope:

"Attention has rightly been drawn to the danger of a clash of civilizations," said Benedict. "The danger is made more acute by organized terrorism, which has already spread over the whole planet. Its causes are many and complex, not least those to do with political ideology, combined with aberrant religious ideas. Terrorism does not hesitate to strike defenseless people, without discrimination, or to impose inhuman blackmail, causing panic among entire populations, in order to force political leaders to support the designs of the terrorists. No situation can justify such criminal activity, which covers the perpetrators with infamy, and it is all the more deplorable when it hides behind religion, thereby bringing the pure truth of God down to the level of the terrorists' own blindness and moral perversion."

This is also interesting:

In 2003 the government of Slovakia signed a concordat with the Vatican to let doctors and health-care workers in Catholic hospitals decline to participate in abortions as a matter of conscience. This January the EU's Network of Independent Experts on Fundamental Rights (their real name, not an Orwellian satire) ruled Slovakia in violation of its EU "obligations." Translation: Tell those Catholic docs to do abortions or we will hammer you financially. The political tensions split Slovakia's government, and in February it fell.

We may assume the new pope noticed this re-invasion of Slovakia.

Douthat v. Robertson on the "TheoCon Moment"

Rev. Pat Robertson responds here -- insisting, among other things, that he is not "jowly" -- to Ross Douthat's recent opinion piece in which he wrote, among other things, that America needs "more Sam Brownbacks . . . whose vision encompasses Third World poverty, prostitution and prison reform without sacrificing any urgency on issues of life and death--and fewer Pat Robertsons and Jerry Falwells, jowly bigots who seem to think that shaking their fists at America is the best way to persuade it to repent."  Douthat also wrote:

Reform isn't a word you often hear associated with the religious right, of course--and the people who decide such things decided long ago that religion mixed with conservatism yields the scent of brimstone. But contemporary "theoconservatism" is best understood as an heir to America's long line of Christ-haunted reform movements--the abolitionists and the populists, the progressives and the suffragettes, the civil-rights crusaders and even the antiwar activist of the middle 1960s, among whom Richard John Neuhaus (now the "theocon in chief" to his enemies, but then a man of the religious left) cut his teeth.

Like the Victorian reformers who strove to mitigate the worst consequences of the Industrial Revolution, religious conservatism, at its best, is a response to the excesses of the sexual revolution--the fatherless children and broken homes, the millions of abortions and the commodification of human life. The eras aren't parallel, but there are similarities: The Victorian reformers passed the laws against abortion that "theocons" yearn to restore, and waged war against the same kind of crude, politicized Darwinism that's associated with the contemporary culture of death.

Today's religious reformers have it harder, though, because yesterday's progressivism is still with us, hardened into a leadership class that benefited considerably from the sexual revolution, and that perceives any attempt to restrain its evils as a threat to their hard-won liberties. Meanwhile, in one of the ironies of American politics, the Christian right finds itself sharing a party with the same business interests that Victorian Christians struggled against--interests that are often indifferent to social reform, and that provide fewer votes to the Republican Party but often claim a greater portion of its spoils.

Given these obstacles, religious conservatives have made great strides--but for now, at least, they have changed American politics without fundamentally changing America.

Robert George on Moussaoui and the death penalty

Robert George sent in the following thoughts, in response to Steve Bainbridge's recent post regarding Moussaoui and the death penalty:

I do not see any way to avoid the conclusion that Moussaoui may not legitimately be subjected to the death penalty under developed Catholic teaching.  Pope John Paul II's encyclical letter Evangelium Vitae, the teaching of which is incorporated into the Catechism of the Catholic Church, is that the state may not execute even those guilty of the most heinous murders unless execution is the only way to prevent them---them, mind you, not other potential murderers who might be deterred by fear of the death penalty---from engaging in further killing.  Given modern penology, as the Pope said, circumstances in which this would be the case are "so rare as to be practically non-existent."  In any event, no one doubts that the United States can hold Moussaoui securely in prison in such a way as to prevent his participation in further killings.

Professor Bainbridge has reminded us of Cardinal Avery Dulles's interpretation of contemporary Catholic teaching as the Cardinal presented it in an article in the April, 2001 issue of First Things.  As always, Cardinal Dulles's work is helpful and illuminating.  However, it strikes me as unsound in an important respect insofar as it seems to suggest that there are circumstances in which the death penalty could be justified despite the capacity of the state effectively to incarcerate the convicted murderer.  I would call attention to points 6 and 7 of Professor Bainbridge's re-presentation of Cardinal Dulles's analysis:

6. The State has the right, in principle, to inflict capital punishment in cases where there is no doubt about the gravity of the offense and the guilt of the accused.

7. The death penalty should not be imposed if the purposes of punishment [which, Dulles rightly points out, centrally include retribution--RPG] can be equally well or better achieved by bloodless means, such as imprisonment.

In context, these points suggest (or leave open) the possibility that the death penalty could be justified for retributive reasons even where the defense of potential future victims of the convicted individual is not an issue (that is, even in circumstances in which effective incarceration is possible).  This simply cannot be squared with the texts of Evangelium Vitae and the Catechism.  The unequivocal teaching of these documents is that the state does not have the right to inflict capital punishment---no matter how grave the offense and no matter how clear the guilt of the accused---unless effective incarceration is impossible and execution is the only way to prevent this particular murderer from killing again.

None of this is to deny the Church's continuing commitment to a retributive understanding of legitimate punishment.  And I hope it goes without saying that Moussaoui deserves to be punished as severely as possible.  He is guilty of conspiring in an utterly monstrous crime.  If the death penalty were ever justifiable for purely retributive reasons, he deserves it.  Moreover, if the death penalty could be justified on deterrence grounds, a case could be made (though it would be disputable, of course) for executing Moussaoui on that basis, too.  But under the developed Catholic teaching, neither retribution nor deterrence (nor some combination) is sufficient to justify execution, even in the case of a depraved mass murderer like Moussaoui.

Of course, there is a debate about the status, level of authority, and bindingness of this teaching.  I'm among those who view the teaching as demanding religious assent of intellect and will pursuant to the norms set forth in Lumen Gentium of the Second Vatican Council.   There are plenty of Catholics of intelligence and goodwill who seek to live in fidelity to the teachings of the magisterium who see it differently.  And even those who see it my way acknowledge a certain unclarity about the status of the teaching.  Moreover, no one asserts that it is infallibly proposed.  In these ways, the teaching is quite unlike the clear, firm, and consistent teachings of the Church's ordinary universal magisterium on abortion, infanticide, euthanasia, adultery, fornication, sodomy, and contraception.  Having said all that, though, I repeat that the plain meaning of the texts of Evangelium Vitae and the Catechism rules out capital punishment in virtually every case one can imagine today---including the case of Zacharias Moussaioui. 

For what it's worth, I remain confused by the statements in Evangelium vitae and the Catechism to the effect that (as George puts it) "the state does not have the right to inflict capital punishment---no matter how grave the offense and no matter how clear the guilt of the accused---unless effective incarceration is impossible and execution is the only way to prevent this particular murderer from killing again."  I agree entirely with George's view that executing Moussaoui could not be justified simply by contending (implausibly) that his execution would deter others.  However, it seems to me that the question to ask is not whether execution is necessary to "prevent this particular murderer from killing again" (this is more of a private-self-defense argument than a punishment-theory argument, I think).  In my view, it is more sound to ask whether, given all the givens, the capital sanction imposed by the contemporary state really serves as retributive justice for homicide (or instead as grandstanding or pandering).  And, of course, even if -- as Cardinal Dulles writes -- the death penalty were, given all the givens, permissible, I suppose it would not at all follow that it is required, or prudent.

So, I agree with Robert George that Moussaoui should not -- and, all things considered, ought not -- be executed.  But I'm not (yet) able to agree that we should think about the justifiability of the death penalty in the same way we think about the justifiability of private violence in self-defense.